Germany Draws Another Line In The Sand For The US
Written by M. K. BHADRAKUMAR on 15/01/2021
Exactly a week after the announcement on December 30 regarding European
Union’s long-sought comprehensive investment agreement with China, the Danish
Energy Agency received an innocuous revised schedule from Nord Stream 2 AG for
the construction of the gas pipeline in the kingdom’s exclusive economic zone.
The DEA was notified that “Work on laying the pipeline is scheduled to resume
in Danish waters on January 15.”
Accordingly, Russia’s pipelay crane vessel Fortuna, which
completed the construction of a 2.6 km section of the gas pipeline in the
exclusive economic zone of Germany at the end of December, is moving into the
Danish waters. To date, 94% of Nord Stream 2 has been finished.
Meanwhile, two other developments have taken place alongside. The Czech
Republic has announced that the so-called EUGAL highway, the
ground extension of Nord Stream 2 from the border with German Saxony and ends
in the west at a gas distribution centre next to the border with German Bavaria
has been completed. The 150-km link costing 540 million euros will bring
Russian gas to Austria via EUGAL highway.
Again, on January 6, it was disclosed that the regional government in the northern
German lander of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern (where
Chancellor Angela Merkel’s CDU is in power) is setting up a special “Foundation
for climate and environment protection” which would also also “contribute” to
the completion of of the Nord Stream 2 project by acquiring and storing
equipment and materials needed for the pipeline’s construction, which could
thereby shield the firms from punitive measures threatened by Washington.
(Mecklenburg-Vorpommern is the landing point for the undersea pipeline from Russia.)
The political message in all this is clear. On January 4, Foreign Minister
Heiko Maas told the news agency Deutsche Presse-Agentur DPA that Berlin will
not yield to pressure from Washington in their dispute over Nord Stream 2 even
after the transfer of power in the US in January.
Maas underscored that Berlin “does not need to talk about European
sovereignty if that is understood as us (Germany) doing everything in future
the way Washington wants.” Maas added that although Berlin hopes for an improvement
in US-German ties under Biden, a spate of bones of contention, including the
Nord Stream 2 issue, will remain. “The German government will not change its
stance on Nord Stream 2,” he pointed out, adding, “the important thing is that
we are aligned on the central strategic and geopolitical issues, where we are
on the same side of the field”.
Russia’s
pipe-layer crane ship Fortuna, capable of laying about 1km of undersea pipe a
day
There is strong support from the German industry as well as across the
political spectrum that Nord Stream 2 project is important as a means to
guarantee Berlin’s energy security amid the country’s phase-out of nuclear and
coal power. The prominent German MP Waldemar Herdt from the right-wing populist
Alternative for Germany (AfD) spoke up last week: “Whatever the situation is in
America, one thing unites them all — a huge unwillingness to see constructive
and business-like development of relations between Russia and Germany.”
The US interference in German-Russian relations is a long-standing
phenomenon. Declassified archival materials of the former West German
government show that Bonn visualised long-term energy diplomacy to be a
carefully built link with the former Soviet Union, guaranteeing cooperation
even during political crises. No doubt, energy diplomacy had catalysed Willy
Brandt’s Ostpolitik.
In particular, natural gas pipelines required mutual trust within a stable
relationship, which inevitably would lead to further collaborations in other
areas. Archival documents reveal that the Soviet era pipeline to Europe
increased the cooperation between Bonn and Moscow, although it strained West
Germany’s relationship with the United States.
The politics of Nord Stream 2 is at once obvious. It has three templates.
First, Merkel is sticking out here neck at the very fag-end of her political
career when the poisoning of Russian opposition activist Alexei Navalny with
a nerve agent, which Germany believes the Kremlin was likely
behind, is still a hot topic. Merkel holds on to the belief that engaging with
Russia is the only way to avoid a complete breakdown in relations.
The Navalny poisoning is just the latest in a series of incidents, from the
2015 hacking of the German parliament’s computer system to the assassination of
a Chechen rebel in Berlin last year, that Germany puts at Russia’s door.
Pressure has been building on Merkel from within her own party and the
opposition — and some EU countries and the US — to either put a moratorium on
Nord Stream 2 or cancel it altogether in order to send a clear signal to
Russian President Vladimir Putin that he crossed a red line.
Nonetheless, Merkel has decided against canceling Nord Stream 2. Moscow,
which has been hyping up anti-German rhetoric lately, has been put to shame.
Second, both the EU-China investment agreement and the Nord Stream 2 saga
bring to mind what the French Foreign Minister Yves Le Drian had told Europe1
Radio in an interview on November 7 that the EU and the US would not return to
the previous close relationship they enjoyed prior to Donald Trump’s presidency
even with Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden in the White House.
Le Drian had said, “We will not return to the status quo ante, to the good
old days of the trans-Atlantic relationship. The world has moved on after these
four years. Europe has emerged from its naïveté. It is beginning to assert
itself as a power.”
To be sure, Biden presidency will be a drastic relief for European
officials who have struggled to maintain good relations with Washington over
the past four years, which sent the ties to an unprecedented low level. Biden
has an extensive network of contacts across Europe from his eight years in
Obama’s administration. Everybody knows him. The European officials feel
relived that have an adult relationship again with people speaking with each
other, rather than past each other.
Having said that, Europeans cannot afford to blithely assume that things
cannot turn around in 2024. Besides, as Ines Pohl, Deutsche Welle’s Washington
Bureau Chief, wrote recently, “we will see a Biden administration
working hard to re-establish a sense of stability. Yet Biden’s administration
will govern a polarised country, struggling with severe economic problems that
further deepen these divisions.
“We will see the US consumed by domestic power struggles for years, even
decades, gradually abandoning multilateral politics, especially in Europe. This
trend will continue regardless of which party controls the White House. And
this is a stark reality that Europe and Germany must acknowledge.”
A fortnight after Pohl wrote, the Capitol riots corroborate her prognosis.
Germany and France will not hitch wagons with the Biden Administration on any
confrontation with Russia. The likelihood of them joining the US’ “Indo-Pacific
strategy” to contain China is even less.
This does not preclude, however, a substantive global “to-do” list that awaits
the EU leaders and Biden to work fruitfully — elevation of diplomacy as the US’
principal tool of foreign policy, renewed commitment to multilateralism and
specific assurances on NATO and the UN, re-entry to the Paris Climate Agreement
and Iran nuclear accord, reengaging World Trade Organization and World Health
Organization, a global democracy summit, push back against authoritarianism and
corruption, advancing human rights and so on. These are all matters of great
importance to Europe.
No comments:
Post a Comment