Tuesday, April 21, 2026

The New York Times - April 20, 2026 - By Ben Hubbard Ben Hubbard reported from Antalya, Turkey, where he attended Turkey’s annual diplomatic conference. - In Turkey, Middle Powers Ponder Diplomacy With a Rogue U.S.

 

The New York Times

In Turkey, Middle Powers Ponder Diplomacy With a Rogue U.S.

The U.S. remains an essential player. The problem, one analyst said, is how to deal effectively with a power that is “indispensable, coercive and unpredictable at the same time.”

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President Recep Tayyip Erdogan speaks behind a white podium with a red emblem. A screen backdrop shows "ANTALYA DIPLOMACY FORUM" with radiating red and blue lines.
President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey in Antalya on Friday, where he said the global system was in “a moral and existential crisis.”Credit...Riza Ozel/Associated Press

At Turkey’s showcase diplomatic conference in the Mediterranean resort town of Antalya over the weekend, the United States was rarely the official topic of conversation.

But coursing through the discussions among the thousands of participants — including dozens of heads of state and other senior officials from Europe, the Middle East, Africa and Asia — were questions about how to respond when the United States disregards its allies and the global order it long professed to represent.

The foreign policy chaos of President Trump’s second term, and the vast disruptions caused by the U.S.-Israeli war on Iran, have put new urgency behind the idea that Turkey and other so-called middle powers should count less on global heavyweights and instead partner with their neighbors to manage their own regions.

The desire for such cooperation surfaced repeatedly at the conference, the Antalya Diplomacy Forum, which concluded on Sunday.

“If this region continues to wait for a savior, in the end it is going to continue facing these problems until eternity,” Turkey’s foreign minister, Hakan Fidan, said at the closing news conference.

Instead, states must come together to “own regional issues,” he said.

Since his return to the White House, Mr. Trump has cast off long-held tenets of U.S. foreign policy. He has bashed the United Nations, threatened to withdraw from NATO and given up on promoting human rights and democracy abroad.

But the war in Iran, which he launched with Israel despite fervent efforts by other countries to prevent the conflict, has disrupted the global economy and turned several U.S. partners into targets for Iranian retribution.

“America acted in Iran against its allies’ interests,” said Timothy Ash, an economist at RBC Bluebay Asset Management in London, who attended the conference. “That reinforces the idea that there needs to be an alternative to the Americans.”

The Antalya conference served not just as a foreign affairs gabfest but also as a venue for Turkey to lay out its view of the world and Turkey’s place in it.

In its fifth year, the gathering attracted an array of mostly non-Western officials and showed off the wide diplomatic network that Turkish officials say makes the country a valuable mediator.

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President Ahmad al-Sharaa of Syria and other people in dark suits and ties walk by a large screen with text, including 'PRESIDENCY' and a circular emblem.
President Ahmad al-Sharaa of Syria at the conference in Antalya on Friday. The thousands of participants included dozens of heads of state.Credit...Riza Ozel/Associated Press

On day one, Ukraine’s top diplomat updated a packed room about his country’s efforts to push back Russia’s invasion. The next day, his Russian counterpart held forth to a similarly large audience on the ways he said the West had mistreated Russia.

Despite the Iran war, now on hold with a temporary cease-fire, U.S. and Iranian officials both traversed the crowds queuing for coffee and sandwiches to reach their respective meetings. They did not meet.

Addressing the opening ceremony on Friday, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey said the global system was in “a moral and existential crisis” and repeated his mantra that “the world is bigger than five,” his oft-repeated criticism of the limited number of permanent seats on the United Nations Security Council.

He criticized Israel for what he called its genocide in Gaza and its military expansion into Lebanon, Syria and Iran.

Turkey was ready to help negotiate an end to the war in Ukraine, he said, without criticizing Russia for starting it.

He blasted the war in Iran, but without mentioning the United States or Mr. Trump, with whom he has a cordial relationship.

Many participants expressed frustration with the Iran conflict.

“We find ourselves subject to Iranian attacks that were unprovoked in a war that we tried to prevent,” Jordan’s foreign minister, Ayman Safadi, lamented during one panel.

Two senior American officials attended. One of them, Tom Barrack, Mr. Trump’s ambassador to Turkey and special envoy for Syria, ruffled feathers by saying during a public interview: “This part of the world respects only one thing: power. And if you don’t reflect power, if you reflect weakness, you are on your heels.”

He added that the only governments that had worked in the Middle East were “benevolent monarchies” and republics that were run in similar ways.

“Countries that have put on this cloak of democracy or that we have gone after for human rights have failed,” he said, mentioning the Arab Spring uprisings that began in 2010 and produced short-lived, democratic governments in Egypt and Tunisia.

The clearest example of steps toward greater regional cooperation was a meeting on the sidelines of the conference on Saturday between the foreign ministers of Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Pakistan, who hope to deepen their cooperation.

Experts said such coalitions could not fill all the gaps left by the United States.

“The trouble that the region feels vis-à-vis the U.S. is that the U.S. still is indispensable for many regional actors, but it is also unreliable and coercive,” said Galip Dalay, a senior research fellow at Chatham House who was at the conference. “How do you deal with an actor that is indispensable, coercive and unpredictable at the same time?”

He predicted that Turkey and other countries would continue to pursue such initiatives, but only with countries that the United States would approve of.

Ben Hubbard is the Istanbul bureau chief for The Times, covering Turkey and the surrounding region.

A version of this article appea

AGBI (Arabian Gulf Business Insight)- The Iran conflict has no obvious winners or losersThere is a credible medium-term scenario in which the crisis reinforces the GCC’s global role - By Tim Fox April 20, 2026, 1:07 PM

 

AGBI - The Iran conflict 

has no obvious winners or 

losers

There is a credible medium-term scenario in which the crisis reinforces the GCC’s global role

Pakistan's Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif meets with Iranian parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf as part of peace talksvia Reuters
Pakistan's Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif meets with Iranian parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf as part of peace talks, but the conflict has not been resolved

At this stage of the Iran conflict, following inconclusive peace talks, it remains unrealistic to identify clear winners and losers. Conflicts of this nature tend to produce layered and time-dependent outcomes, where short-term gains often mask longer-term vulnerabilities. 

What is evident, however, is that the crisis is reshaping the global landscape across geopolitics, economics and sectoral performance. 

Rather than producing outright victors, it is driving a redistribution of power, capital and risk.

China and Russia are frequently seen as immediate geopolitical beneficiaries. Both gain from a distracted West, while Russia also benefits directly from higher oil revenues. 

China meanwhile balances limited alignment with Iran with strategic distance in a way that preserves flexibility and maximises long-term advantage, holding a strong economic interest in bringing the conflict to an end.

For the main protagonists – the US and Israel – the picture is more ambiguous. Tactical successes have yet to translate into clear strategic advantage, and both face ongoing questions around deterrence and escalation.

In Iran’s case it is the reverse, as despite tactical losses, it retains strategic leverage through its ability to exert asymmetric pressure on global energy markets.

Europe appears exposed, facing renewed energy insecurity and economic fragility. Many emerging markets are under even greater strain, as rising food and fuel costs pressure public finances and social stability.

However, Europe could still reposition itself over time, particularly if it plays a meaningful role in resolving the conflict.

The GCC’s combination of pricing power, infrastructure and financial resilience allows it to continue generating strong energy revenues

The GCC initially appears vulnerable due to physical damage and reliance on energy routes through the Strait of Hormuz. Yet this exposure is also elevating its geopolitical importance. 

The crisis underscores the world’s dependence on Gulf resilience, increasing the strategic weight of countries such as the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Qatar as stabilisers of global energy supply. It is also accelerating efforts to reduce reliance on critical chokepoints and strengthen regional cooperation.

The most immediate economic impact has been a surge in energy prices, driving inflationary pressures worldwide. For advanced economies, this complicates monetary policy and raises the risk of slower growth combined with persistent inflation.

Europe is particularly affected due to its energy dependency, with rising costs weighing on industrial output and competitiveness. The UK has been highlighted as especially exposed among major economies.

For developing countries, the situation is more severe, with higher energy and food prices threatening to reverse development gains.

India, as a major oil importer, faces inflationary pressures, currency weakness and strain on supply chains. Many emerging markets share similar vulnerabilities, increasing the risk of broader instability.

In contrast, the GCC’s combination of pricing power, infrastructure and financial resilience allows it to continue generating strong energy revenues even under constrained supply conditions, reinforcing sovereign balance sheets.

This enables continued investment at a time of global uncertainty and helps offset short-term growth pressures.

Sovereign wealth funds are well positioned to deploy capital strategically, both domestically and internationally. This is critical for advancing economic transformation programmes and investing in infrastructure that reduces dependence on the Strait of Hormuz while protecting key industries.

At the sector level, the crisis is creating clear divergence. Energy producers are the most immediate winners, benefiting from elevated prices and supply concerns. Defence and security industries are also gaining, as governments increase military spending in response to rising geopolitical risks.

Renewable energy is also emerging as a secondary beneficiary, as the crisis reinforces the need for diversification and sustainability. Investment in alternative energy, hydrogen and related technologies is likely to accelerate.

Conversely, airlines and logistics companies face rising fuel costs and operational disruption. Energy-intensive industries such as chemicals, steel and manufacturing are under pressure, particularly in Europe. Tourism and global trade are also affected, reflecting higher costs and increased uncertainty.

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Within this disruption, however, there are opportunities for the Gulf. As companies reassess supply chains and prioritise resilience, the GCC’s geographic position and infrastructure become increasingly valuable.

The UAE, in particular, stands to benefit from its role as a global logistics, financial and commercial hub linking East and West.

While the region’s volatile environment remains a core vulnerability, there is a credible medium-term scenario in which the crisis reinforces the GCC’s global role. Adverse conditions may encourage greater regional cooperation, helping to overcome historic rivalries.

Higher energy revenues and strong fiscal buffers built during periods of high prices provide the financial resources to accelerate diversification and investment, while increased strategic importance enhances diplomatic influence.

The UAE’s position as a stable, well-regulated and globally connected economy may continue to attract capital and talent seeking a secure base, with its handling of the crisis also enhancing its reputation.

If the conflict remains contained, the region’s financial strength, infrastructure and connectivity could allow it not only to withstand current pressures but to emerge more central to the global economic system than before.

Tim Fox is a partner at Capital Gate Advisors and the former chief economist of Emirates NBD