Monday, May 4, 2026

The Washington Post - Breaking News - 12 hours ago (May 4, 2026) - Trump says U.S. will guide ships through Strait of Hormuz

 

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T.C. Dışişleri Bakanlığı : 3 May 2026, Regarding the Visit of H.E. Shaikh Jarrah Jaber Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Kuwait, to Türkiye

 T.C. Dışişleri Bakanlığı : 

3 May 2026, Regarding the Visit of H.E. Shaikh Jarrah Jaber Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Kuwait, to Türkiye


H.E. Shaikh Jarrah Jaber Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Kuwait, will pay a visit to Türkiye on 4 May 2026.








Sunday, May 3, 2026

ALJAZEERA - News - 3 May 2026 | US-Israel war on Iran What’s Iran’s 14-point proposal to end the war? And will Trump accept it?

 ALJAZEERA - News - 3 May 2026 

What’s Iran’s 14-point proposal to end the war? And will Trump accept it?

Trump is reviewing the latest Iranian proposal to end the war but the mistrust between the two sides is a big obstacle, analysts say.

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People chant slogans during a rally in Tehran, Iran
People chant during a rally in Tehran, Iran [File: Majid Asgaripour/WANA via Reuters]

Iran has offered a new 14-point proposal to the United States in the latest diplomatic step to reach a permanent end to the war, which has exposed the limits of US military dominance and shaken the global economy.

Responding to the new proposal on Saturday, US President Donald Trump said he is studying it but is not sure he can make a deal with Iran, a day after he voiced frustration with a previous offer from Tehran through the mediator Pakistan.

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Late on Thursday, Tehran sent the proposal to Pakistan, which got the two sides to agree on the ceasefire. According to the Iranian Tasnim news agency, the 14-point plan was formulated in response to a nine-point US plan.

But weeks since the ceasefire began on April 8, Washington and Tehran have been unable to negotiate a peace deal. Tehran wants a permanent end to the war, while Trump has insisted that Iran first end the effective blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, through which a fifth of global oil and gas exports pass. The US president has also made the issue of Iran’s nuclear capability a “red line”.

Iran’s de facto blockade of the strait came in response to the US and Israel launching attacks on the country on February 28. A naval blockade of Iranian ports by the Trump administration, despite the ceasefire deal, has heightened tensions.

The US and Iran have also been continuing to attack, capture, and intercept each other’s ships, pointing to an ongoing naval war still playing out in the Strait of Hormuz.

So what’s the new proposal, and will President Trump accept it?

Here’s what we know:

INTERACTIVE_LIVETRACKER_IRAN_US_ISRAEL_MIDDLEEAST_ATTACKS_April 27_2026_GMT1645-1777299147
(Al Jazeera)

What is Iran’s 14-point proposal to end the war?

According to Iranian media reports, Tehran’s new proposal came in response to a Washington-backed nine-point peace proposal, which primarily sought a two-month ceasefire.

However, in its latest peace proposal, Iran said it wants to focus on ending the war instead of extending the truce and wants all issues resolved within 30 days.

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The new proposal calls for guarantees against future attacks, a withdrawal of US forces from around Iran, the release of frozen Iranian assets worth billions of dollars and the lifting of sanctions, war reparations, ending all hostilities, including in Lebanon, and “a new mechanism for the Strait of Hormuz”.

Iran, which was also attacked by the US and Israel last June, wants a guarantee against future aggression. Israel has previously targeted Iranian nuclear scientists and run campaigns to sabotage its nuclear sites.

Tehran also wants its right to uranium enrichment guaranteed as a signatory to the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), but Trump has made the nuclear issue a “red line”. Iran wants decades of sanctions, which have devastated its economy, to be lifted as part of any deal. The navigation through the strait and demands for war reparations are other sticking points in the talks.

According to a report by Iranian state broadcaster IRIB, after delivering the proposal, Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi said, “Now the ball is in the United States’ court to choose the path of diplomacy or the continuation of a confrontational approach.”

Paul Musgrave, an associate professor of government at Georgetown University in Qatar, said Iran has “slightly softened” its proposal.

“The news reports on it indicate that there is a slight softening in the proposal, or rather a run-up to discussing the proposal, namely that the Iranian side may have given up its precondition that the US cease its distant blockade of Iranian traffic [in the Strait of Hormuz],” he told Al Jazeera.

“Beyond that, though, a lot of the things that are reportedly in the proposal include maintaining Iran’s sovereign ability to enrich uranium, its nuclear programme and, of course, what it delicately refers to as a ‘control mechanism’ over shipping in the Strait of Hormuz.”

Musgrave said on the two biggest issues – enrichment of uranium and transferring its highly enriched uranium – the US and Iran remain “far apart”.

“President Trump has been unyielding that Iran must surrender its nuclear capability,” he said.

Kenneth Katzman, a senior fellow at New York-based nonprofit Soufan Center, said Iran’s mistrust of Trump remains a bigger obstacle.

“The differences on the nuclear issues are actually … not that great a difference any more. It’s still substantial, but can be narrowed. The issue is that Iran really mistrusts Trump and the United States and does not want to move, really, into full discussion until this blockade is lifted,” he said.

“That’s a problem that could lead to US escalation. As Trump knows, he must break this Iranian control of the strait, so that’s where the issue is.”

Katzman said while both sides are “frustrated”, neither is likely to give up on the negotiations in the immediate future.

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The MSC Francesca captured by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in the Strait of Hormuz on April 24, 2026 [Meysam Mirzadeh/Tasnim/WANA via Reuters]

How did the US respond?

Trump has said he is reviewing Iran’s proposal, but warned that Washington could resume attacks if Tehran “misbehaves”.

Speaking to reporters in Florida before boarding Air Force One on Saturday, Trump confirmed that he had been briefed on the “concept of the deal”.

Despite the diplomatic opening, the president struck a characteristically blunt tone regarding the possibility of renewed hostilities, which have been paused since the ceasefire.

“If they do something bad, there is a possibility it could happen,” Trump said when asked if strikes would resume.

Trump added that the US was “doing very well” and claimed that Iran was desperate for a settlement because the country had been “decimated” by months of conflict and a naval blockade.

Trita Parsi from the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft told Al Jazeera the economic cost of the blockade on Iranian ports has exceeded what the White House anticipated and argued that the broader strategic damage to the US was probably more significant.

“Iran has been under all kinds of economic pressure and sanctions for 47 years,” Parsi told Al Jazeera. “None of them has managed to break the Iranians or force them to capitulate,” he said.

In a post on Truth Social later on Saturday, Trump said it was difficult to imagine that the Iranian proposal would be acceptable as Tehran had “not yet paid a big enough price for what they have done to Humanity, and the World, over the last 47 years”.

Trump seems to have rejected the new Iranian proposal “without reading it or being briefed on it”, according to Musgrave from Georgetown University.

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What are the previous peace proposals to end the conflict?

Iran’s latest proposal comes amid a fragile three-week truce that came into effect on April 8 and has put a pause on the US-Israel war on Iran.

A day before the ceasefire, Iran had proposed a 10-point peace plan, which included an end to conflicts in the region, a protocol for safe passage through the Strait of Hormuz, the lifting of sanctions and reconstruction, state-run news agency IRNA reported.

Trump had said Iran’s 10-point plan was a “significant proposal” but “not good enough”.

The April 7 proposal from Iran came in response to a 15-point plan drafted by the US on March 25.

Washington’s plan included a one-month ceasefire while the two sides negotiated terms to end the war, via Pakistan.

According to Israel’s Channel 12, it also included the dismantling of Iran’s nuclear facilities in Natanz, Isfahan and Fordow, a permanent commitment from Iran to never develop nuclear weapons, the handover of Iran’s stockpile of already enriched uranium to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), a commitment from Iran to allow the United Nations watchdog to monitor all elements of the country’s remaining nuclear infrastructure, reopening of the Strait of Hormuz and end of all sanctions on Iran, alongside the ending of the UN mechanism that allows sanctions to be reimposed.

Iran, however, rejected this plan and said a temporary ceasefire would give the US and Israel time to regroup and launch further attacks and in turn proposed its 10-point plan.

What is the situation on the ground now?

Despite a ceasefire, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) said on Saturday that it remains on “full standby” for a return to hostilities, citing the US’s lack of commitment to previous treaties.

In a post on X on Sunday, the IRGC’s intelligence unit said, “There is only one way to read this: Trump must choose between an impossible military operation or a bad deal with the Islamic Republic of Iran. The room for US decision-making has narrowed.”

The impasse is further complicated by technical obstacles to reopening the Strait of Hormuz, including the presence of Iranian sea mines. Tehran has closed the strait since the war began on February 28, upending global oil and gas prices.

To pressure Iran to open the strait, the US imposed a blockade of all Iranian ports on April 13, stoking the oil and gas crisis. On Friday, Brent crude, the international benchmark, was at $111.29 per barrel at 08:08 GMT, compared with about $65 before the war.

Tensions have been further stoked by Trump’s recent characterisation of the US naval blockade as a “very profitable business”.

“We took over the cargo. Took over the oil, a very profitable business. Who would have thought, we’re sort of like pirates, but we’re not playing games,” Trump said at an event in the US state of Florida on Saturday.

Tehran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs seized on the remarks, labelling them a “damning admission of piracy”.

Parsi from the Quincy Institute told Al Jazeera the US naval blockade of Iran has backfired on Trump and is making the situation worse.

“The negotiations were taking place and could have continued regardless of the blockade,” he said.

“The blockade has nothing to do with the Iranians being at the table. If anything, it is blocking diplomatic progress more than anything else,” Parsi noted.

He argued that Trump had actually secured his greatest advantage through diplomacy before the blockade was imposed.

“Once he managed to get the ceasefire, the primary pressure on him, the war itself and the way it was pushing up gas prices, was lifted. Had he stayed in that scenario and used time to his advantage, he would have been in a much stronger position vis-a-vis the Iranians, because the Iranians had not managed to get the key thing they wanted: sanctions relief.”

Instead, by imposing the blockade, Trump took more oil off the market.

“Oil prices are now higher during the ceasefire than they were during the war itself. All of these economic indicators show that the blockade is making the situation worse for Trump,” Parsi said.

However, Trump has been looking at options to resolve the oil crisis, including setting up a naval coalition called the Maritime Freedom Construct (MFC) to restore freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz.

According to US media reports, core functions of the naval coalition would be to share intelligence among member nations, coordinate diplomatic efforts, and enforce sanctions to manage shipping traffic through the strait.

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BROOKINGS Commentary -- Why China is winning in tech—and what the US is overlooking -- Yingyi Ma -- April 30, 2026

 BROOKINGS

Commentary


Why China is winning in tech—and what the US is overlooking

Yingyi Ma

April 30, 2026


This photo illustration shows the Manus app on a mobile phone in Beijing on April 28, 2026. (Greg Baker/AFP via Getty Images)

9 min read



Sections

The missing human infrastructure

From culture to scale: China’s talent pipeline

A necessary caveat: quantity is not the same as quality

The US model: strengths and emerging constraints

A different policy conclusion

The missing human infrastructure

From culture to scale: China’s talent pipeline

A necessary caveat: quantity is not the same as quality

The US model: strengths and emerging constraints

A different policy conclusion

------------------------------------------


In January 2025, DeepSeek jolted the global race in artificial intelligence (AI) with a model that rivaled American systems and was built by a team entirely educated in China. Soon after, Manus drew fresh attention as another Chinese-founded AI breakout. These companies reflect a new reality: China’s frontier AI is being built by talent that never left the country.


The core of the U.S.-China technology competition is not chips or subsidies, but the cultural and structural conditions that produce leading technical talent. America’s advantage in this deeper competition is eroding.


The missing human infrastructure

The emergence of frontier AI innovation from domestically trained Chinese talent exposes a critical gap in how the United States understands the technological competition with China. Most policy analysis focuses on industrial subsidies, export controls, and semiconductor supply chains, but often overlooks the deeper human infrastructure: the cultural, educational, and social conditions that produce AI talent at scale and increasingly at the frontier.


To understand why, I recently asked students at Syracuse University to analyze media using sociological imagination. One student discussed a film featuring Wendy Wu, a Chinese American teenager, focusing on how she tried to fit into American teen culture by downplaying academics to be popular.


One discussion centered on how academic achievement is perceived among American teenagers. Several students said candidly that in many American schools—especially large public ones—studying hard and excelling, particularly in math and science, is often seen as uncool. A student offered an exception: in schools with large Asian American populations, being hardworking is the norm and socially valued.


That exception, however, carries a troubling corollary. Research shows that as Asian enrollment rises in affluent suburban school districts, white enrollment declines. The academic culture valued in those settings is precisely the culture white families are fleeing.


From culture to scale: China’s talent pipeline

This maps onto what is happening inside Chinese school systems today. Academic excellence, especially in mathematics and science, is not socially marginal or an individual pursuit. Instead, it is often a precondition for recognition and status and an important pathway to social mobility.


In the United States, by contrast, intellectualism—especially in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM)—can be socially ambivalent or even stigmatized in certain contexts. Ninety-three percent of Americans report experiencing some level of math anxiety, and many people comfortably self-identify as “not a math person,”  shaping the majors students choose and ultimately the careers they pursue.


These cultural norms translate directly into educational outcomes and workforce supply. China now produces STEM talent at a scale that is difficult for the United States to match. The National Science Board’s Science and Engineering Indicators 2024 confirms that China has now surpassed the United States as the top producer of STEM doctoral degrees globally. At the undergraduate level, China’s pipeline is even more striking: 12.22 million students are projected to graduate from Chinese universities in 2025 alone—a record high, and more than double the total degrees awarded at all levels of higher education in the United States.


A necessary caveat: quantity is not the same as quality

A common counterargument is that scale does not automatically translate into innovation. China’s education system, while highly effective at producing large numbers of graduates, has long been criticized for emphasizing standardized testing and rote learning. For example, China’s national college entrance exam is among the most high-stakes tests in the world, with students routinely describing a severe psychological toll.


These concerns are reinforced by labor market signals: youth unemployment in China has remained elevated in recent years, with official urban rates exceeding 20% in 2023 before methodological revisions, and analysts pointing to structural mismatches between graduate skills and labor market demand.


Global university rankings suggest a more nuanced picture. While U.S. institutions continue to dominate the top tier, China’s leading universities have rapidly climbed in global standings. Tsinghua University and Peking University are now consistently ranked among the top 20 globally, particularly strong in engineering and computer science.


In a system of such scale, even a small percentage of top-tier talent translates into a large absolute number of highly capable engineers and researchers. The emergence of DeepSeek and Manus—whose founders and core technical teams are largely domestically trained—suggests that China is not only producing talent at scale but is increasingly capable of cultivating high-end innovators within its own system.


The key question is not whether average quality varies, but whether the system produces enough top-tier talent to sustain technological leadership. Increasingly, the answer appears to be yes.


The US model: strengths and emerging constraints

The United States has historically relied on a hybrid model: strong domestic institutions combined with a steady inflow of high-skilled immigrants. For decades, this model worked extraordinarily well. Global AI talent data show that a substantial share of top AI researchers received their undergraduate education in China, with many later working in the United States. Temporary visa holders earned over half of U.S. doctoral degrees in key STEM fields, including 59% in computer science and 60% in engineering in 2021.


This model, however, faces mounting structural constraints—from tightening immigration pathways to declining enrollment for Chinese and international students. Visa challenges, heightened scrutiny of Chinese nationals in STEM fields, and the deterioration in U.S.-China relations have all made American universities less attractive. At the same time, the rapid rise of Chinese institutions like Tsinghua and Peking University in global rankings has reduced the premium that once made studying abroad feel necessary.


The more urgent and underexamined question is not only how to restore the external talent pipeline, but what is happening inside the domestic one. The U.S. education pipeline faces serious challenges. National assessments show that American students’ math performance has declined significantly, with scores falling to levels last seen two decades ago. Meanwhile, broader indicators suggest a shifting global balance in science and engineering output. The National Science Board notes that China has surpassed the United States on several aggregate measures of patents and research outputs.


A different policy conclusion

The United States now faces a dual challenge that cannot be resolved by immigration policy alone. Importing talent is a short-term workaround; it does not address the structural and cultural conditions that determine how many Americans pursue and sustain technical careers in the first place. Three interventions, largely absent from current policy discourse, deserve serious attention.


First, dismantle the tracking systems that close the gateway to STEM careers before students are old enough to choose. Differentiated math curricula do not begin in middle school—they begin as early as elementary school, where roughly four in 10 elementary school principals report grouping students by achievement level in math, setting trajectories that shape the rest of a child’s academic career. Research consistently shows that Black, Latino, and low-income students are disproportionately assigned to lower tracks—and separately, that Black and Hispanic children are 66% and 47% less likely than white students, respectively, to be referred to gifted programs, even after controlling for test scores. These compounding disadvantages cannot be undone by college remediation programs. Reform is not about lowering standards but about ensuring that the pipeline is not structurally narrowed at the very moment children are forming their sense of what is possible.


Second, confront the broader cultural aversion to academic competition that runs through American society at every income level. The white flight evidence is instructive here not only as a story about race, but also as a story about values: when high-achieving school cultures take hold, a significant share of American families opt out rather than adapt. Meanwhile, girls across all demographics continue to be socialized away from technical fields because of persistent social signals about who those fields are for, signals that take hold as early as first grade. These are not separate problems. They are symptoms of a society in which athletic competition confers social prestige and academic competition provokes social anxiety—a cultural asymmetry whose consequences are manifesting in the national talent pipeline.


Third, build the institutional infrastructure that makes academic achievement publicly visible and socially prestigious. Culture does not change through exhortation alone; it changes when institutions create new incentives and signals. This means putting nationally celebrated science and math competitions on par with athletic championships, school-wide recognition of academic achievement that rivals the attention given to sports, and federal investment in programs that make STEM excellence visible in communities where it has historically been invisible. President Barack Obama made the underlying aspiration plain at the White House Science Fair in 2016: “As a society, we have to celebrate outstanding work by young people in science at least as much as we do Super Bowl winners. Because superstar biologists and engineers and rocket scientists and robot-builders… they’re what’s going to transform our society.” He said this over a decade ago, but the institutional infrastructure to make it real has not been built.


Industrial policy, immigration reform, and export controls are necessary. But they address symptoms, not sources. The deeper competition is cultural and structural: whether American society decides that mathematical excellence is as admirable as athletic excellence, and whether American institutions ensure that the path to technical excellence is not narrowed at every turn by race, income, or zip code. Until both change, no amount of semiconductor subsidy will close the gap that matters most.


Author

Yingyi Ma

Nonresident Senior Fellow - Foreign Policy, John L. Thornton China Center










EURONEWS - 'No strategy' behind Trump's withdrawal of NATO troops from Germany, sources say - By Shona Murray Published on 03/05/2026 - 15:36 GMT+2•Updated 15:51

 EURONEWS

'No strategy' behind Trump's withdrawal of NATO troops from Germany, sources say

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Copyright Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved
By Shona Murray
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Trump did not warn allies prior to his abrupt announcement of the withdrawal of 5,000 active-duty troops from Germany. The sudden move came amid an ongoing feud with German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, sparked by his criticism of the US' war in Iran, and Washington's strategy.

Senior NATO officials were not warned about US President Donald Trump’s decision to withdraw 5,000 troops from Germany within the next 6-12 months prior to the Pentagon's announcement on Friday.

Questions about logistics such as from where and how the troops will be withdrawn have risen. It's also unclear how the decision will impact the defence alliance's overall force posture, several sources with knowledge of the situation have told Euronews.

Trump on Saturday added that troop presence in Germany will be reduced "a lot further" than the initally announced 5,000, but the Republican president did not detail how much further or when those reductions are to be expected.

According to sources, the announcement which took senior NATO command by surprise is short on detail. Washington has not detailed whether the troops who'll be departing Germany are from a rotation that won't be replenished, an air squadron or if the troops are part of the core unit.

"We don't know what are these forces is it the core of a brigade? an air squadron?" former US ambassador to NATO, Ivo Daalder told Euronews.

"There is no detail because Trump just made this number up,” another US source told Euronews.

Military planners are minimising the bearing at least 5,000 fewer US military personnel will have on Europe's security posture, given the changing nature of warfare which relies less on soldiers and more on technology and advanced weaponry.

Moreover, several European allies, especially Germany, have substantially bolstered their own defences over the last year. NATO countries have been bracing for a potential US troop presence review, which they knew could happen at any moment.

Nonetheless, they had expected to be consulted ahead of any such decision directly impacting European security and NATO territory.

The view from NATO capitals is that an orderly, collaborative disengagement of US forces would take place, where allies fully abreast of the situation would avoid serious disruption to NATO's deterrence capabilities.

NATO officials are drawing conclusions about the timing of the announcement after Trump took umbrage at comments made by German Chancellor Frederic Merz who said days earlier that Iran was “humiliating” the United States, and that Washington had went into war with an ill-conceived strategy.

“The figure of 5,000 is a top-line number that Trump took out of the sky because he wanted to do something demonstrative as part of his confrontation with Merz,” a US source told Euronews.

Trump posted an initial statement on Wednesday night after Merz's remarks saying the Pentagon was “studying” how to reduce US presence in Germany, and later adding that “the Chancellor of Germany should spend more time on ending the war with Russia/Ukraine ... and fixing his broken Country.”

Hours later, Chief Pentagon Spokesperson Sean Parnell told Fox News that the Secretary of War has “ordered the withdrawal of approximately 5,000 troops from Germany.”

The White House has also been furious at European allies for rejecting Trump's calls to join in the war in Iran. Trump has taken aim and some of them, as well as the NATO alliance itself, describing it as a “paper tiger.”

“Let’s just say it was a very short space of time between Trump’s first post saying he was “studying” how to draw down troops after the feud with Merz, and then the sudden announcement,” another NATO source told Euronews.

Meanwhile, Allison Hart, a spokesperson for NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, issued a statement saying “we are working with the US to understand the details. This adjustment underscores the need for Europe to invest more in defence and take on a greater share of the responsibility for our shared security.”

US troops have been heavily embedded in Germany ever since the Cold War, and today have a deployment exceeding 36,000 active-duty personnel. Their presence is regarded as more than a legacy of the Cold War, but an important projection of US power globally.

This is a matter which Daalder says the Trump administration missed. The former ambassador says Trump is missing the bigger picture in his pursuit to penalise European allies for not joining in the war in Iran.

"He thinks he can punish allies by removing troops, but he is hurting America’s interests," Daaldo said.

"He is just demonstrating that he doesn’t understand how America’s interests are served."

“He believes we have troops in Europe for the sole purpose of doing others a favour," he added, speaking to Euronews on the phone from the US. “The bottom line is that Europe is no longer first, second, third or even fourth down the list of priorities for the US."