The US Must Help Afghans Who Helped It
While working for a sustainable peace, the U.S. must also recognize that withdrawing from Afghanistan should not mean abandoning the many Afghans who supported its mission.
By James Schwemlein and Earl Anthony Wayne
April 08, 2021
Two Afghan
National Army Soldiers talk with a local Afghan during Operation Saray Has July
19 near Forward Operating Base Naray, Afghanistan. The ANA worked with
Headquarters and Headquarters Troop, 1st Squadron, 91st Cavalry Regiment
(Airborne), during Operation Saray Has.
Credit: Flickr/The U.S. ArmyADVERTISEMENT
During U.S President Joe Biden’s
March 25 press conference, he signaled that his instinct is to not stay in
Afghanistan for a long time. “We will leave,” he said. “The question is when we
leave.”
We believe that the discussion about
the future trajectory of the U.S. posture in Afghanistan must be expanded to
account for the humanitarian implications of our decisions. The current debate
has largely avoided this issue, but the reality is that if the United States
leaves without a political settlement in place, the Afghans who helped us over
the last two decades and their families may face grave risks.
This is not an argument for staying
militarily or for withdrawing U.S. troops. Rather, what happens to the many
Afghans who helped us over the last 20 years and continue to aspire to build a
freer, more pluralistic Afghanistan, if U.S. and NATO forces leave without a
sustainable peace settlement?
For two decades, tens of thousands
of Afghans worked directly for or supported the U.S. military and civilian
presence. In 2009, Congress created a Special Immigrant Visa (SIV) program to
permit a narrow subset of that group to immigrate to the United States. But the
process has been slow and difficult to
implement. Only a little over 18,000 of these applications have been approved
over the last decade. Today, there are another 18,000 SIV applications waiting
to be processed.
A further concern involves the fate
of Afghans, particularly women and children, who will be at greater risk in
territory dominated by the Taliban. Afghanistan is one of the youngest nations
in the world. More than half of Afghans alive were born in the era of the
international intervention post 9/11. Many more came of age during a massive,
internationally supported expansion of educational opportunities, under a
constitution that promoted democratic values and in a free media environment
that the U.S. and its partners fostered.
Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month.
These smart, energetic, and
dedicated young men and women are emerging as leaders, within the Afghan
government, the private sector, and civil society organizations. Many other
Afghans gained vocational and technical skills working with the United States
and other international actors in Afghanistan.
When we leave Afghanistan, what will
happen to the remarkable generation of Afghans who bet that with the help of
the United States and its partners, they could build a better future?
Get briefed on the
story of the week, and developing stories to watch across the Asia-Pacific.
What Happens Next?
Because of continued violence and
slow negotiations among Afghans over the peace process, the Biden
administration and NATO allies are considering an extension beyond the May 1
deadline set by the February 2020 U.S.-Taliban agreement. Much remains
unsettled in how this may play out, but without a political settlement among
Afghans, it is very likely that the conflict will become more violent,
potentially generating more chaos, wider civil war, and many refugees.
Today, Afghanistan is one of
the most violent, poorest, and corrupt nations.
The toll of civilian casualties and journalists killed is
among the very highest in the world. According to a recent survey published by the World Economic
Forum, Afghanistan has the widest gender gap of any country in the world in
terms of economic opportunity and educational attainment.
It took 20 years to get to a point
where Afghans might be able to talk among themselves about the future of their
country. Enmity runs deep. We cannot assume that everyone will want to be part
of an Afghan state that integrates bitter enemies with starkly different views
of Afghanistan’s future.
If there is not a political
settlement, and the civil war worsens, the U.S. and its partners need to offer
viable paths to those who are credibly threatened by that reality and who wish
to escape the conflict. Offering an alternative home for those who feel threatened
may even help moderate opposition to a peace process.
If the United States leaves
immediately, or if we leave soon without a peace agreement, the conflict is
likely to worsen. A recent assessment published
by the Combating Terrorism Center at West Point concluded that the presence of
U.S. forces in the country since 2014 had slowed the losses of Afghan forces,
but not stopped them. Without U.S. air cover and logistical and technical
support, Afghan forces are likely to lose ground. The U.S. intelligence
community reportedly reached similar conclusions and those
continue to fuel debates within the U.S. government. One can foresee a range of
scenarios where the Afghan dream for peace, freedom, and prosperity, which the
U.S. helped foster, will face near impossible odds.
During the Afghan civil war in the
mid-1990s, millions of Afghans sought refuge in Iran and Pakistan. According
to World Vision, 2.7 million
Afghans remain refugees, facing very difficult circumstances in some instances.
After the Vietnam War, millions of Vietnamese fled on boats into the Yellow
Sea. These so-called “boat people” needed urgent rescue.
We should not be caught unprepared
if a similar emergency emerges in Afghanistan. Helping those who helped us is
our clear moral responsibility. We need a serious debate about what the United
States owes to Afghans who took to heart our messages about building a modern
Afghanistan with democratic values and respect for human rights, if they face a
return to fundamentalist rule or chaos.
Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month.
A Call to Action
While U.S. diplomats work hard to
pursue a long-shot diplomatic resolution to the conflict, the U.S. government
and Congress must also plan for the worst. The following urgent steps are
needed to begin planning for the humanitarian implications of our pending
withdrawal from Afghanistan.
First, expedite processing and decision-making related to the existing SIV applications, and if possible, fully utilize the remaining 4,000 or so visas available under the existing cumulative cap of 22,620 set by Congress in the 2021 National Defense Authorization Act.
Second, review the existing quotas
on admittance, and consider raising them on an emergency basis if the U.S.
withdraws. On February 4, as part of a broader executive order on immigration
related policies, Biden directed agencies to conduct a 90-day review of the SIV
program. This review can address a potential surge in demand as the United
States withdraws, both in terms of numbers and requirements, and also by
establishing procedures for processing Afghan applicants at U.S. missions in other
countries should they have to flee.
Third, Congress should consider
taking emergency action to create an admissions pathway for additional Afghans
who are especially vulnerable in the post-withdrawal environment, such as those
who were educated in the United States or individuals who worked for
non-governmental international organizations and those who worked in Afghan
government agencies that partnered closely with the United States.
Fourth, the State Department should
conduct a rapid assessment, coordinating with international partners, on the
potential humanitarian implications of a withdrawal and plan responses. The
Biden administration should take up these issues with NATO allies and other
partners on the way forward and encourage the adoption of similar admittance
policies. Our European allies are particularly sensitive to the risk of
expanded migration from Afghanistan, given the steady flow of Afghans who have
attempted to enter Europe since 2014.
While working for a sustainable
peace, the U.S. must also recognize that withdrawing from Afghanistan should
not mean abandoning the many Afghans who supported our mission or whom we
helped along the way. Welcoming more Afghans to the United States as refugees
is not only the best way to honor our commitments, but also the best way to
reassert our values as a nation of immigrants.
No comments:
Post a Comment