When Values And Interests Collide, Where Does Biden
Stand?
Written by M. K.
BHADRAKUMAR on 03/12/2020 /Oriental review
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While addressing an online conference of legislators from across the
European continent on November 30, German Chancellor Angela Merkel hit out at
the concept of exceptionalism. Inevitably, Merkel’s remark has drawn much
attention at a time when the Joe Biden’s presidency appears on the horizon.
Merkel came straight to the point, saying Europe must stand up for its
values in its dealings with China, but given the country’s sheer population and
economic importance, there will always be a trade-off between the European
Union’s values and its interests.
Merkel was responding to a demand voiced by some in her audience that she
push for a tougher line on human rights violations in China. Merkel said,
“We must define our own European interests, and this also includes common
ground (with China) on foreign policy, on economic policy and digital policy
and many more. The challenge over the next years in relation to China lies in
finding a good balance between fighting for our values and our interests.”
It is no secret that Germany has developed a robust relationship with
China. The official formulation in Berlin is that “German-Chinese relations
have become very close-knit and multi-faceted while acquiring ever greater
political substance.”
There are only two countries Merkel has visited outside the European
continent and one of them is China — 12 visits all in all since she became
chancellor in 2005. But for Covid-19 pandemic, Merkel was due to have another
summit with the Chinese leadership. An annual visit to China had become a
constant in her diplomatic calendar.
Merkel is a very focused politician. She travels fairly widely but her
itinerary through her past decade and a half in the chancellery shows that she
picks her destinations thoughtfully — destinations where German interests are
involved, there is business to transact and personal diplomacy might make a
difference.
Merkel paid enormous attention to Russia because it is a complex
relationship of tumultuous historical backdrop which is of vital consequence to
German interests. As chancellor, Merkel visited Russia 15 times. And if
that relationship is precariously poised today, it is not because Merkel was
not trying.
Therefore, Merkel’s remark on values and interests is an honest
recapitulation of her vast experience in statecraft. Merkel does not hide that
Germany has differences with China when it comes to “values”, but she is ever
expanding and deepening the bilateral relationship.
Merkel is acutely conscious that for the German economy, which depends
heavily on its exports, China is an irreplaceable partner. An updated note of the
German foreign office states:
“China was once again Germany’s most important trading partner in 2019,
with a volume of trade of almost 200 billion euro. In the face of
international crises and mounting global challenges (including COVID‑19,
climate change), great importance attaches to German-Chinese cooperation and
coordination under the comprehensive strategic partnership. China views Germany
both economically and politically as a key partner in Europe. The regular
high-level coordination of policy in some 80 dialogue mechanisms, as well
as dynamic trade relations, investment, environmental cooperation and
cooperation in the cultural and scientific sector, are key elements in
bilateral relations. Germany also advocates closer relations between the EU and
China and increased EU unity towards China.”
The German foreign office note dated
6th November wards off the American pressure on Germany to take a tougher
stance towards China over human rights. Merkel has avoided getting trapped in
the power struggle between the US and China.
In her address yesterday, Merkel made another big point about inter-state
relationship between allies, while speaking about post-Brexit Britain’s future
ties with the European Union. (Germany is currently holding the EU presidency.)
Merkel said the UK and the EU “share common values” but must recognise that
time is running out on a potential trade agreement.
An EU negotiating team is currently staying in London for additional talks.
The UK’s transitional period of informal membership of the EU is currently
scheduled to end on December 31, but Britain and the EU are still divided
over issues such as state aid, competition rules and fishing.
With just one month remaining for the EU and the UK to come to an
agreement, Merkel added, “Britain and the EU share common values. If we failed
to reach a deal, it would not send a good signal.”
Yet, Merkel stated, “We don’t need a deal at any price and we have made
this clear. A deal is in everyone’s interest.” What Merkel refrained from
saying was that neither can “values” change “interests” nor can values be
substitute for interests.
The catch here is that the EU must defend the interests of French fishermen
in the English Channel. France’s European Affairs Minister Clement Beaune
said on Monday that “Our fishermen are no less important than theirs
(Britain’s) and they didn’t have the right to vote in the (Brexit) referendum.”
Merkel’s candid remarks strike a blow at the heart of the western liberal
tradition, which assumes that there is a kind of national interest which every
country should pursue: being, and being seen to be, a good “international
citizen”.
Indeed, in the real life of nation states, “value issues” turn out to be
just optional add-ons to foreign policy. Of course, traditional, narrow view of
national interests does not necessarily mean that countries will ignore
entirely the essentially moral issues such as atrocity crimes, poverty,
disease, the grinding misery of displacement, the use of chemical weapons, the
awful human cost of natural disasters, or the risk of deadly conflict in
faraway places, but many such values-motivated decisions have been made over the
years by governments selectively.
But the value-based framework expounded by the West has always been
something of a hoax — a kind of ad hocery lacking any fixed
notions of shape and coherence, lurching erratically from one position to
another, and picking up and dropping moral commitments and principled positions
on policy issues where the domestic mood is fluid.
Look at the Quad, which spouses “open, fair, rules-based” international
order. Who drew up such “rules”, the Quad won’t say. And at least three out of
the four Quad members are notorious for being violators of international law.
Merkel has shown political courage to reconceptualise national interests in
the unsentimental real world of policymaking. Conceivably, she spoke with an
eye on Joe Biden’s presidency, which might proceed to resurrect the US’
post-World War II hegemony under the pretext of a value-based liberal
international order.
When Biden says “America is back,” it is profoundly disturbing. As Guardian
columnist Samuel Moyn pondered “whether this will mean genuine renovation or
mere restoration” no one knows. In a riveting essay titled Biden says ‘America is back’.
But will his team of insiders repeat their old mistakes?,
Moyn, author and a professor of law and history at Yale, wrote,
“Avril Haines, whom Biden has nominated to direct national intelligence,
helped both devise and limit targeted killings in a CIA stint. An eternal
campaign of armed drones and special forces isn’t a fulfilment of a promise to
“end endless wars”. It merely appropriates a slogan for the sake of
continuity.”
“The continuity of personnel such as Blinken, who was Biden’s top aide when
he voted for the invasion of Iraq, is the way restoration really works in
practice.”
Being the leader of an energetic, creative middle power knocking at the
door of history once again, Merkel is just the right person to survey the
epochal changes unfolding in the international arena to sound the warning that
exceptionalism as a cover for belligerent western traditions will not work
vis-a-vis China.
Source: The Indian Punchline
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