For two countries so geographically far apart, Australia and Norway have surprisingly aligned strategic perspectives. This has underpinned a burgeoning defence industry partnership and unprecedented reciprocal visits by defence ministers this month. ASPI hosted Norway’s defence minister, Bjorn Gram, during his time in Canberra to exchange views on the security outlook and the development of an integrated defence industrial base.
Gram shares the view once espoused by Arthur Tange, the public servant who transformed Australia’s security settings during the Cold War, that ‘a map of one’s own country is the most fundamental of all defence documentation’.
For Norway, geography dictates a perennial focus on what Gram called the ‘high north’, around the Arctic, Barents and North Atlantic regions. This has long meant maintaining a watchful but, where possible, nonconfrontational relationship with Russia, with which Norway shares a border and agreements over fisheries and access to the Norwegian island of Svalbard.
But the geopolitical map of the high north is transforming at the same time as climate change reshapes its topography. As sea ice recedes, Chinese and Russian fleets could start moving more easily between the Pacific and Atlantic. Gram expressed concern that China might try to exploit the whip hand it holds over Russia in their ‘no limits’ partnership to acquire military technologies and access that Moscow has withheld. This raises particular concerns in the Arctic, given its vital role in undersea warfare and nuclear stability—topics that Canberra has a direct interest in, too.
Gram’s time in Australia coincided with his prime minister’s visit to China to mark the 70th anniversary of diplomatic relations. In words familiar to Australian ears, Gram also stressed the importance of maintaining cooperation with China on global issues, such as trade and climate change, while remaining vigilant to security threats and always putting the national interest first.
Detailing some of those threats, Gram criticised China’s economic and technological support for Russian aggression against Ukraine, as well as North Korea’s direct transfer of arms. He also noted the public warning by Norway’s intelligence and security services that China was among the countries targeting Norway with cyber-attacks and other malign activities.
The rhyming tones of Oslo’s and Canberra’s statecraft include recent defence reviews in both countries that reached remarkedly similar conclusions and enjoy similarly broad-based political and public support. Like Australia, Norway is increasing defence spending, which will reach 2 percent of GDP this year and more than double in the next decade. And, like Australia, Norway will skew spending, at least initially towards growing the navy as part of a wider program of force expansion and integration. In the same vein, Norway is increasing its commitments to NATO, just as Australia is strengthening its core alliances and wider security and technology partnerships.
This alignment in strategic perspectives underpins an uptick in bilateral defence cooperation, which is presently focused on expanding the manufacturing of precision munitions. Norwegian company Kongsberg is establishing maintenance and production facilities in New South Wales for the Joint Strike Missile, which will be used by the Royal Australian Air Force, and the Naval Strike Missile for surface warships. Both are vital components of Australia’s Guided Weapons and Explosive Ordnance (GWEO) program. Kongsberg has already opened a facility in South Australia for maintaining missiles and NASAMS air defence systems. Gram said the door was now open for other areas of potential collaboration under GWEO, perhaps including production of rocket motors.
Gram stressed that Norway–Australia defence industry cooperation ‘is not one way only’. Kongsberg has many Australian subcontractors in its supply chain, and he foresaw more such opportunities. Another example is the contract of South Australian company PMB Defence regarding supply of batteries for Norway’s diesel submarines.
Raising horizons, Gram hoped Norway and Australia could explore cooperation in space capabilities. Kongsberg Satellite Services is establishing ground facilities in South Australia as part of a global satellite telemetry, tracking and control network. Over time, this could help the ADF in operating sovereign intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance satellites.
Looking ahead, the Nordic model of total defence, which Norway shares with Denmark, Sweden and Finland, could be a helpful guide for Australia to accelerate preparedness, build resilience and mobilise industry and the population behind the concept of national defence. There are parallels worth exploring in the transformation of the Australian Army to support littoral manoeuvre and the expansion of the Norwegian Army from one mechanised brigade to three flexible brigades.
Both Gram and his Australian counterpart, Richard Marles, have emphasised that bilateral defence industry cooperation is underpinned by growing strategic linkages between the Indo-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions.
As a tangible demonstration of these links, a Norwegian frigate will join a British-led carrier strike group on deployment to the Indo-Pacific next year. Moreover, like Australia, Norway is deepening defence partnerships with Japan and South Korea, both of which Gram visited on his way to Australia. Gram also supports NATO playing a greater role in this region in such areas as strategic communication and countering hybrid threats.
Tange’s map reminds us that the tyranny of distance will always circumscribe the bonds between two distant friends, but the defence interests of Australia and Norway have arguably never been closer.
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