ICG - STATEMENT / MIDDLE EAST & NORTH AFRICA 22
FEBRUARY 2021
Crisis in Marib: Averting a Chain Reaction in Yemen
A battle looms for
Marib in Yemen’s north, home to some three million people as well as major oil
and gas facilities. International actors must stave off a humanitarian
disaster, as they did in Hodeida in 2018, and then turn toward brokering a wider
settlement.
·
YEMEN
In early February, the rebel Huthi
movement (also known as Ansar Allah) reinvigorated its year-long offensive in
Yemen’s northern governorate of Marib, launching an intense assault and making
territorial and strategic gains in the province’s west. Huthi forces are now
reportedly within 30km of Marib city, the ousted government’s last major northern stronghold,
and the capital of a governorate whose original population of 300,000 has been
swollen by internally displaced persons to perhaps as many as three million.
The Huthis have signalled their clear intent to press on, absent a nationwide
truce that halts Saudi airstrikes, allows them to reopen the airport in Yemen’s
capital city, Sanaa, and permits them to more easily bring goods through
Hodeida, the Red Sea port that they control. If fighting reaches Marib city’s
outskirts and nearby oil and gas facilities, there could be displacement on a
scale unprecedented in Yemen’s contemporary history. Worse may follow if the Huthis
seize Marib and then move to expand their territorial control elsewhere.
International actors helped avert a disastrous confrontation in Hodeida in
2018. They must mount a similar effort to broker a nationwide ceasefire and
then press for interim political and security arrangements, pending longer-term negotiations over
the country’s future.
Humanitarian Disaster
A battle for Marib city could worsen
Yemen’s already dire humanitarian situation in several ways. First, an assault
on Marib would put the estimated three million civilians living there at risk
of death or displacement. The Huthis are likely to push toward the city from
the west and target oil and gas production facilities to its east. Fighting
would probably cut off most of the main highways connecting Marib with
government-controlled territory, leaving only a single paved southbound road
available to fleeing civilians. The Huthis may sever that road as well while
advancing from positions in the governorate’s south. Assuming that this
route remains open, those using it to dash for safety would be in the Huthi
forces’ crosshairs and would have to travel through Shebwa governorate to the
south east, where humanitarian organisations have only a minimal presence. Aid
agencies say they are ill prepared to deal with the rapid movement of hundreds
of thousands of people into Shebwa and other governorates controlled by the
government of President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi where the newly displaced
might seek refuge.
A battle for Marib city could worsen Yemen’s already dire humanitarian situation in several ways.
Secondly, such a battle would compound
Yemen’s already staggering food crisis. In an 18 February briefing to the UN Security Council, Mark
Lowcock, the UN’s humanitarian chief, warned of the “worst famine the world has
seen in decades”, reporting that malnutrition rates in Yemen were at record
highs, with 400,000 children under the age of five severely malnourished and
“in their last weeks and months” of life. This hunger crisis is driven not just
by direct conflict but also by growing poverty and rising prices of staples.
Marib is a trading hub through
which large volumes of food and other basic goods are transported into
Huthi-held areas; prolonged fighting there would disrupt this essential
lifeline.
Thirdly, Marib is also a small but
important source of fuel, which is often in short supply in Yemen. If Marib
falls, government officials say, they will pre-emptively destroy state-owned
oil and gas production and processing facilities there to prevent the Huthis
from taking them. The ripple effects could be significant. A refinery at these
facilities accounts for almost all domestic fuel production, supplying around 8
per cent of the country’s gasoline, diesel and other forms of fuel (Yemen
imports about 90 per cent of its fuel) and almost 90 per cent of its liquefied
petroleum gas, an essential source of energy in most Yemeni households. The
cost of oil and gas has already shot up over the course of the war due to
currency fluctuations and supply interruptions, in turn raising the price of
basic goods like potable water (which most Yemenis must pay for, due to its
scarcity, and which is extracted from below ground mainly using diesel pumps)
and food (which is trucked across the country). If the Marib facilities are
disabled or destroyed in fighting, the prices of fuel and LPG, and thus food
and water, can only keep going up.
The resulting fuel shortages will be
even more keenly felt because of continued barriers imposed on imports to the
Huthi-held port of Hodeida by the Hadi government and the Saudi-led coalition
that controls Yemen’s airspace and waterways. As part of a dispute over the
Huthis’ use of revenues collected at Hodeida and wider government efforts to
exert control over import flows, fuel imports through Hodeida have been
significantly delayed in recent months.
Chain Reaction
Not only would a battle for Marib likely
be lengthy and destructive, but it would also increase the risk of violence
spreading or intensifying elsewhere in Yemen. Already, Tareq Saleh, the
commander of anti-Huthi forces on Yemen’s Red Sea coast, has called on the Hadi
government to withdraw from the UN-brokered 2018 Stockholm Agreement, which put
an end to fighting around Hodeida. Saleh wants to prosecute the war on all
major fronts, so as to stretch the Huthis more thinly. Such a move would divide
the attention of international actors, who would have to work to hold together
the ceasefire in Hodeida as they try to wrestle with the crisis in Marib. The
renewed fighting around Hodeida would magnify Yemen’s humanitarian calamity
still further.
Moreover, if the Huthis prevail in
Marib, they are likely to pursue broader territorial gains, perhaps in Shebwa,
to which pro-government forces are most likely to withdraw. Yet in trying to
control Marib and expand into adjacent tribal territories where residents are strongly
opposed to their presence, the Huthis are also likely to find themselves
battling several local insurgencies.
The influx of pro-government forces into
Shebwa would also likely trigger tensions between local allies of President
Hadi and the pro-independence Southern Transitional Council (STC). Already
controlling the southern governorates of Lahj, al-Dhale and Aden, the STC aspires to
expand its reach across the territories of the People’s Democratic Republic of
Yemen: between 1967 and 1990, this independent state encompassed Shebwa as well
as government-held Abyan, which sits between Shebwa and STC-controlled Aden.
Some STC leaders even see cutting a deal with the Huthis that would enhance
prospects for renewed southern independence – a move that would spell disaster
for Hadi – as preferable to staying in the uneasy unity government they formed
with the president in December 2020. Such sentiment would likely grow were the
government to fall in Marib and seek to shore up its position in the south.
Ceasefire Challenge
Until recently, Saudi and Yemeni
officials had been hopeful that they might turn the war’s tide in their favour
by convincing the U.S. to step up its military, logistical and diplomatic
backing. But increased military intervention by the U.S. or other outside
powers was unlikely even under the Trump administration, given views of the Yemen war among
both Democrats and Republicans in Congress and given U.S. assessments of the
manpower and military resources that would be required to win it.
In his first weeks in office, President
Joe Biden has made it clear that such support is out of the question for his
administration. In early February, he announced a
complete halt to offensive support for the war and a temporary freeze of arms
sales to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, the Saudis’ chief partner
in the coalition that formed in 2015 to back Hadi. U.S. Secretary of State Tony
Blinken rescinded the designation of the Huthis as a terrorist group, which the
Trump administration had announced in its dying days,
citing the listing’s expected humanitarian harm.
The U.S. is now unequivocal in
declaring that the war can end only through a negotiated settlement.
The U.S. is now unequivocal in declaring
that the war can end only through a negotiated settlement. To this end, Biden
has appointed a special envoy, veteran diplomat Timothy Lenderking, to support
UN Special Envoy Martin Griffiths’ mediation efforts. U.S. and UN officials see
little choice but to rejuvenate those efforts, which aim to facilitate a
ceasefire as well as economic measures such as the easing of import
restrictions to build a modicum of confidence between the Hadi government and
Huthis, before turning to a resumption of national political talks. But finding
a middle ground between the Huthis and the government, and generating Saudi
buy-in, remain huge challenges.
A core obstacle for Griffiths and
Lenderking will be overcoming the mismatch between the Huthis’ negotiating
position and the Hadi government’s stance. The UN spent much of 2020 trying to
negotiate a truce and return to politics, an effort prompted by the Huthis’ takeover
of al-Hazm, the capital of al-Jawf governorate, to the west of Marib, and its
initial push toward Marib city. Both sides claim to have accepted the UN
initiative’s terms and accuse their rivals of blocking progress, but both have
reasons to delay.
For their part, the Huthis appear to
perceive that they are in a win-win situation. If they take Marib, they will
have won a strategic prize, in effect ending the war for the north, fatally
weakening the Hadi government in outsiders’ eyes and bolstering the quasi-state
they have been building by tapping into Marib’s oil and gas wealth. If,
instead, they decide to halt their move on Marib, they will expect to conclude
a deal whereby Saudi Arabia ends what they term the “siege” on their areas –
the closure of Sanaa’s airport to commercial flights and the limits on cargo
entering Hodeida port – and “aggression” in the form of airstrikes. The latter
paved the way for the anti-Huthi coalition’s Hodeida offensive and lately have
been the main barrier to the rebels overrunning Marib. The Huthis appear to be
seeking the best possible version of a ceasefire deal for their side, namely
one that halts all airstrikes and completely lifts restrictions on the ports
and airports under their control.
For its part, the Hadi government is in
a bind. Officials say they see the Huthi offensive on Marib as an effort to, in
the words of one, “eliminate the government from the [political] equation” in
Yemen by seizing its last stronghold in the north. They favour stepped-up international
support for a military pushback against the Huthis or for a truce to be
time-bound to test the Huthis’ sincerity. The government fears that the Huthis
see a ceasefire as a manoeuvre to end Saudi airstrikes for long enough to
launch a definitive push into Marib. It further views the Huthis’ bid to reopen
Sanaa airport and allow the free flow of imports into Hodeida as a tactic to
cement their status as de facto rulers of Yemen’s north and rob the government
of what little leverage it has in negotiations. These officials also worry that
rushed political negotiations to end the war at any cost would produce a deal
reflecting the current power balance, which is weighted toward the Huthis.
Against this backdrop, a ceasefire
is likely the best option for both Riyadh and Hadi.
But thus far Saudi close air support
combined with fierce local territorial defence has only been enough to slow,
not halt, Huthi advances. Against this backdrop, a ceasefire is likely the best
option for both Riyadh and Hadi.
How International Actors Can Help
International pressure has worked before
to help prevent a calamitous offensive in Yemen. In 2018, the Security Council,
the EU and numerous other international players came together, unanimous in
their opposition to an all-out military assault on Hodeida because of fears
about the disastrous impact of urban combat on the city. The main worry was
that Hodeida and nearby ports would become inoperable, cutting off food
supplies to an estimated 18 million people in the north.
The situation in 2018 was different,
however, in some important respects. Outside powers had more leverage than they
do today. Then, the UAE was driving the military campaign on behalf of the
Saudi-led coalition. Once international opposition to the offensive reached
fever pitch, the U.S. used its clout with Riyadh and Abu Dhabi to press them to
halt the fighting and agree to a deal to demilitarise Hodeida. The UN in turn
seized the moment to secure a last-minute ceasefire and settlement.
Today, it is the Huthis who have the
upper hand. They receive support from Iran, which hosts their ambassador in
Tehran as Yemen’s official diplomatic representative, and has sent its own
ambassador to Sanaa. Although Tehran says it wants to help end the war, no one
is sure whether it would heed UN entreaties to bring its influence to bear on
the Huthis or whether it even has sufficient influence to convince the rebels
to halt their advance. Moreover, Tehran may or may not be sincere in saying it
wants to end a war that has embroiled two of its geostrategic rivals, Saudi
Arabia and the U.S.
For all the challenges it will entail, a
renewed diplomatic push focused on stopping the battle for Marib is both
essential because of the humanitarian stakes and urgent because the chances of
stopping the war diminish if the Huthis succeed in entering the city. If that
happens, it will likely trigger protracted urban warfare and new fighting
elsewhere in the country.
U.S. should persuade Riyadh and
the Hadi government to make concessions that can pave the way for a ceasefire
with the Huthis.
Having committed itself to working
toward a diplomatic solution, the U.S. should persuade Riyadh and the Hadi
government to make concessions that can pave the way for a ceasefire with the
Huthis. That means at least a temporary lifting of some restrictions on Hodeida
port and the resumption of at least some commercial flights to Sanaa airport,
with a joint oversight mechanism over both to mollify the government and signal
to the Huthis that the deal does not just cement their status as de facto
rulers of the north.
Neither the Saudis nor Hadi’s camp are
likely to be pleased but Washington can rightly point out that these measures
are a price worth paying to prevent the loss of their last toehold in northern
Yemen and the risks that could ensue in Shebwa for the anti-Huthi alliance. It
will also help for the U.S. and UN to make clear that these steps are
reversible and would not amount to transferring national sovereignty to the
Huthis in the eyes of Washington or the wider world.
At the same time, Washington and as many
partners as it can gather to its side should impress on the Huthis that if they
press ahead to take Marib they will face targeted sanctions aimed at disabling
the economic networks that have sustained their war effort and enriched their
top leaders. The U.S. has already warned it may be imposing new sanctions. When
he announced the revocation of the movement’s terrorist designation on 12
February, Secretary of State Blinken noted that he was doing so for
purely humanitarian reasons and, pointing to existing U.S. sanctions on Huthi
leaders, said the U.S. was “identifying additional targets for designation”.
For its part, Tehran, which in discussions with Griffiths earlier in February
offered “to support any effective role played by the UN in settling the
crisis”, should urge its Huthi allies not to escalate.
In working to broker a ceasefire and
figure out what comes next, the U.S., the UN and their partners could learn
useful lessons from the Hodeida experience in 2018. While the Stockholm
Agreement ended the fighting around the port city, its text was imprecise. The
parties were left free to advance their own interpretations of its meaning,
particularly as to who would secure the port and how revenues would be managed,
causing implementation to stall and falter. The agreement produced only a
limited, geographically bound ceasefire. It could not stop the wider war or
facilitate a quick resumption of political talks, as the UN had hoped.
Attention quickly drifted elsewhere once the threat of a fight receded, and the
requisite international focus on demanding the parties to follow through on
their commitments dissipated.
Efforts to stop the Marib offensive
should not repeat these mistakes. Especially since neither the government nor
the Huthis has any interest in a limited ceasefire, the objective must be a
nationwide rather than a local truce. Should the U.S., the UN and their
partners succeed in brokering a ceasefire, the next step will be to work
intensively to make the truce sustainable and bring the parties together to
forge interim political and security arrangements that allow the economy to
normalise, pending what are likely to be lengthy political negotiations over the
country’s future.
To achieve these objectives, coordinated
international action will be required. First, Washington, with its renewed
commitment to ending the conflict, and which holds the UN Security Council
presidency in March, should press the Council to make clear that the Huthis’
offensive against Marib must end, warning of consequences such as targeted
sanctions if it proceeds. Secondly, even if some Council members prevent it
from taking such action, the U.S. should take the lead in bringing together as
many of the five permanent members as will participate, the EU and others to
form a working or contact group that will coordinate support for Special Envoy
Griffiths, as they did in the past. The new group could consist of the P5,
members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (most importantly, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi
Arabia and the UAE), and the European Union. This group should collaborate with
Griffiths, and with Yemen’s many political and armed factions, to broker a
nationwide ceasefire, to apply pressure on the parties to sustain it, and to
manage knotty issues like the airport and port revenues. Beyond that, members
of the group with influence over the parties will need to coax them back to the
table for talks about interim arrangements and, ultimately, inclusive political
negotiations that offer a sustainable peace.
It will be a tall order to quell the
assault on Marib and reorient Yemen toward a more peaceful path. But the task
cannot wait. If outside powers fail to act to stop the fighting now, it will make
any subsequent effort much more difficult, as Yemen falls ever deeper into the
abyss.
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