The Arab
Betrayal of Palestine Sep 14, 2020 |
DAOUD
KUTTAB AMMAN – It is normal for countries with deep disagreements nonetheless
to maintain diplomatic, trade, and commercial relations. Yet there are also circumstances
when such relations are regarded as non-starters. That is certainly the case
for most countries vis-à-vis North Korea, but it also describes America’s
previous stance on Cuba, and now Venezuela, as well as Israel’s policy on Iran,
Saudi Arabia’s on Qatar, and much of the Arab world’s on Israel.
Given the
importance of dialogue between countries, there is always a question of when to
pursue or end normal relations with a “bad” actor. Historically, governments
have cut ties with countries that have repeatedly violated international norms,
carried out genocide and other atrocities, or whose behavior otherwise merits
punishment. Obvious examples include Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union when it
tried to deploy nuclear weapons in Cuba, and Iran, a country whose leaders
routinely call for Israel’s destruction.
But if violating international norms, peddling
racist rhetoric, and abusing people under one’s control constitute grounds for
refusing normal relations with a country, aren’t Arab and majority-Muslim
countries justified in their historic approach to Israel? While Israel acts
democratically toward its Jewish citizens, its policy toward non-Jewish
citizens and its decades-long occupation and colonization of Palestinian
territories have been flagged by the United Nations as violations of
international law.
Still, Arab
and majority-Muslim countries’ longstanding policy on Israel has always been
subject to change in the event that certain conditions are met. The
Saudi-initiated Arab Peace Initiative – which was passed unanimously in 2002
and later adopted by the Organization of Islamic Cooperation – offers
diplomatic normalization in exchange for Israel’s withdrawal from the areas it
seized in 1967. Here, Israel is merely being asked to abide by international
law. As the UN Security Council made clear in Resolution 242 (1967), there is a
global consensus on the “inadmissibility of acquiring land by war,” and Israel
is therefore obligated to withdraw from the occupied territories, and then to
resolve the Palestinian refugee issue that was created when Israel was
established in 1948.
Even on this
thorny issue, Arab and majority-Muslim countries were extremely forthcoming,
agreeing that the “achievement of a just solution to the Palestinian Refugee
problem [would] be agreed upon in accordance with UN General
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Assembly
Resolution 194.” In other words, the Arab League went so far as to give Israel
a veto over how this inalienable right would be implemented under its proposed
settlement. Before the Arab Peace Initiative was even presented, the New York
Times columnist Thomas L. Friedman signaled his disbelief that Arabs would
devise such a moderate proposal. In an interview with Saudi Arabia’s Abdullah
bin Abdul Aziz al-Saud, Friedman outlined his own aspirational plan for peace,
and the crown prince joked that the ideas were so similar that Friedman must
have broken into his desk and stolen his prepared remarks.
In the event, despite the framework being
aligned with international law and moderate enough for any mainstream Israeli
party to consider seriously, Israel not only rejected the plan but went on to
make the situation even worse. Under the watch of the Israeli army, the
construction of illegal Jewish settlements was stepped up, and even more
Palestinian homes were bulldozed to make way for them.
And since
then, Israel’s right-wing government under Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu
has begun to countenance the outright theft – through annexation – of even more
Palestinian territory. With such belligerent leadership in Israel, many in the
region and beyond were surprised by the United Arab Emirates’ decision to
normalize relations with Israel. With a population of just 1.4 million
nationals, the UAE is breaking with a global consensus held by 423 million
Arabs and 1.8 billion Muslims. A month after the UAE’s decision, Bahrain, with
just 1.6 million people, announced that it would follow suit.
UAE leaders
argue that engagement with Israel will improve the chances of achieving an
acceptable peace settlement and ending the occupation, noting that Israel has
already agreed to suspend its planned unilateral annexation. But the collective
experience of Palestinians and Arabs who have made peace with Israel in the
past shows that this argument is hollow. If anything, the UAE’s overture will
enable Israel to harden its position. After all, it didn’t take long for
Netanyahu (who is facing corruption charges and thus is desperate for political
cover) to declare that “annexation is still on the table.”
The UAE’s
olive branch, he pointed out, proves that Israel doesn’t have to give up land
for peace, as former US President George H.W. Bush once suggested. Netanyahu
reiterated this position when Bahrain expressed a similar position to that of
the UAE. In short order, Netanyahu’s boastful statements totally destroyed the
UAE’s justification for its decision. Perhaps to signal his displeasure,
Emirati Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan has said he will not attend a
hastily organized signing ceremony in Washington, DC, on September 15. But the
UAE is not backing away from the agreement, and the Arab League has not
condemned its decision to abandon shared principles and commitments.
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Needless to say, US President Donald Trump’s
administration and the Netanyahu government are delighted to have “flipped” an
Arab country without any need for meaningful Israeli concessions. To be sure,
Israel and the UAE and Bahrain do not have any land disputes of the kind that
stood in the way of similar agreements with Egypt and Jordan in the past. Yet
those agreements are proof that normalizing relations with Israel does not
advance the cause of peace.
While peace
and normalization obviously cannot be pursued without dedicated leaders, the
process also needs the support of the people involved. For their part, Arabs
and Palestinians long for normal relations with Israel, but only after the
occupation has ended. When one party is a military power with even more
powerful friends, peace must be reached through a just settlement, not
unilateral action. A country that serially violates human rights and
international treaties should not be rewarded with normal relations, even from
tiny Arab gulf countries.
DAOUD KUTTAB
, an award-winning Palestinian journalist, is a former Ferris Professor of
Journalism at Princeton University.
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