Inspired by online disinformation about the perpetrator of a brutal knife attack on children in northern England, opponents of immigration took to the streets this month, clashing with police, vandalizing property, and sowing fear among Britain’s Muslim minority. The unrest dragged on for days.
After about a week of national disorder, the riots gave way last week to anti-racist counterprotests. Headlines now report the jailings and sentencings of rioters and those who encouraged them online, rather than violence in the streets.
“Britain’s justice system has responded forcefully,” The Economist proclaims, noting a 20-month sentence for a man who posted on Facebook calling for Britons to attack a Leeds hotel housing asylum seekers. That forceful response, some say, reflects positively on still-new Labour Prime Minister Keir Starmer, who warned rioters: “You will regret taking part in this disorder.”
Still, the riots left their mark.
“About every ten years, summer seems to bring mindless violence and wanton destruction to some of our streets,” Financial Times columnist Camilla Cavendish noted last week before the tumult had subsided, pointing to past riots over various issues. At the London Review, Daniel Trilling wrote last week: “This time, it’s worse,” as the recent riots were standing out “for their geographical reach, for their viciousness and because they involve a far wider range of participants than the small groups of committed fascists who helped instigate the violence. Football hooligans, sympathisers with the anti-Islam and anti-immigration messages that have circulated online since the murders, bored kids who want to fight the police or engage in looting and curious onlookers have all joined in.” Indeed, the FT’s Cavendish observed that the scenes on British streets “should serve as a reminder of what fascism actually looks like.”
The glaring evidence of division and angst is hard to avoid. “[O]nce the current crisis is over there will need to be a rethink,” Cavendish wrote: “about the desperate poverty in parts of the Midlands and the North; and about how to make the dream of social cohesion and fairness a reality.”
In The New Statesman’s current cover essay, Jason Crowley sounds a similar note: “[T]he hatred and division … had been revealed for all to see. Turn away in fear and loathing if you wish, but worse will follow if people’s smouldering resentment about mass migration and porous borders—as well as run-down high streets, broken community services, sub-standard housing and long-standing economic neglect—are not systematically addressed. … If Keir Starmer is serious about national renewal (and he is), he will have to hit the far right hard but also find ways to include those who feel excluded ... These are not the far right but the people of peripheral England for whom democratic politics is not working, who don’t vote for Labour or any other party … What do you do about these people and their anger, suffering and despair? As [French author and social geographer Christophe] Guilluy says, you can’t simply wish away a whole class.”
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