Thursday, July 4, 2024

The Washington Post - Landslide win for U.K.’s Labour ends 14 years of Conservative rule - 5 July 2024 - By William Booth and Karla Adam with Sammy Westfall

 PUBLISHED BY The Washington Post

By William Booth and Karla Adam

with Sammy Westfall

Email William Booth and Karla AdamEmail

Landslide win for U.K.’s Labour ends 14 years of Conservative rule


An exit poll predicting that the Labour Party led by Keir Starmer will win 410 seats in Britain’s general election in London on Thursday. (Oli Scarff/AFP/Getty Images)

An exit poll predicting that the Labour Party led by Keir Starmer will win 410 seats in Britain’s general election in London on Thursday. (Oli Scarff/AFP/Getty Images)


LONDON — Keir Starmer and his renewed Labour Party won a landslide election in Britain on Thursday, according to the exit poll, ending 14 years of Conservative Party rule and moving toward a new government dominated by the center left.


This was an election that was more about mood than policy, and voters conveyed their frustration with the incumbent Tories and a willingness to take a chance on a “changed Labour Party,” as Starmer calls it, purged of its hard-left elements and socialist rhetoric.


The sophisticated exit poll, sponsored by Britain’s top broadcasters, found that Labour was on track to win 410 seats in the 650-seat Parliament. The Conservatives were projected to take 131 seats — which would the party’s worst result since its founding.


The Liberal Democrats came in third with 61 seats, according to the model. One of the surprises was how well Nigel Farage’s new right-wing Reform UK party was doing. Official results will follow, with most coming in the early morning hours in Britain.


The end of the Conservative government — and the resurrection of what appears to be a more disciplined, centrist “establishment Labour” — marks a huge reversal for Britain’s top parties.


BBC announcers and their guests were tripping over themselves to pronounce the results seismic, landmark, huge — and gobsmacking.


Speaking from his London constituency after the announcement that he had retained his own parliamentary seat, Starmer said voters across the country had sent a message that it was time to end “the politics of performance" and "return to politics as public service.”


Today’s Labour leaders bill themselves not as socialist firebrands but sensible managers. They don’t read Das Kapital. They read the Financial Times.


Starmer, who edited a Trotskyite magazine in his youth, has promised to put “wealth creation” at the center of all the new government does, to rouse a sleepy economy, help young families buy affordable homes and bolster the beloved but overextended National Health Service.


Starmer and his team have vowed to be sober-minded guardians of the treasury — and they will have to be. Public finances are stretched. Government debt has soared to its highest level since the 1960s. Many assume taxes will rise.


The mood in Britain right now can be described as somewhere between fairly dubious and highly skeptical of politicians and their promises. Like their American cousins across the pond, British voters are feeling sour. The vibe is gloomy. The chances of disappointment are high.


Starmer ran under the banner of “change,” but his manifesto was as vague as it could be. He is liked but not loved. When he enters Downing Street, his supporters will be relieved — but maybe not euphoric.


As a lawyer — first a human rights defender, then a top government prosecutor — Starmer was known to build his cases piece by piece. He is a detail man.


He is often described as a dull orator. He’s no Boris Johnson, no Tony Blair — for better or worse.


As the Times of London newspaper put it, “Labour has bored its way to power.”


In interviews with The Washington Post over the past six weeks of election campaigning, voters have repeatedly said they want a better deal. They want to tone down the chaos — and they are sick of self-dealing by politicos who assume it is one deal for the public and another, better deal for them.


Specifically, they want salaries that beat inflation and lower mortgage rates as well as better public services.


Unlike his predecessor, the hard-left Jeremy Corbyn, Starmer has been careful not to promise a bunch of freebies. This election, Labour wasn’t selling a super fabulous future, but rather the competent management of slightly improved days to come.


Prime Minister Rishi Sunak didn’t need to call an election before the end of the year, but he decided to gamble, hoping that the polls would narrow — or perhaps that rebels in his party wouldn’t eat him alive.


Labour leader Keir Starmer is congratulated after winning the constituency of Holborn and St Pancras during the UK general election on July 5 in London. (Leon Neal/Getty Images)

Labour leader Keir Starmer is congratulated after winning the constituency of Holborn and St Pancras during the UK general election on July 5 in London. (Leon Neal/Getty Images)


It was a grim election night for the Tories.


Tim Bale, a professor of politics at Queen Mary University of London, said it was “difficult to spin this as anything other than a disaster” for the Conservatives — but not an existential one. He noted that the British electorate is a “volatile” lot and that the Tories were capable of coming back “but it might take a few elections.”


The reversal in fortunes is stunning. After Boris Johnson won an 80-seat majority in 2019, giddy Tories began to talk about holding power into the 2030s.


Johnson and his successors blew it — first with Johnson’s prevarications over boozy parties during pandemic lockdowns and then with the 49-day premiership of Liz Truss, whose economic plans led to a run on the British pound and nearly crashed the economy.


Sunak’s 18 months have been less turbulent. But voters tell pollsters that they no longer trust Conservatives to handle the economy. That had been one of the party’s traditional strong points.


Wes Streeting, a Labour leader, said on the BBC that the reason the Tory party was swept out was “it's a clown car.”


More than 60 countries representing half the world’s population are voting in elections this year. Britain is one of the few expected to shift left.


The contrast is especially stark with neighbor France, where President Emmanuel Macron’s centrist movement and a coalition of leftist parties are expected to lose to Marine Le Pen’s far-right National Rally in legislative elections Sunday.


Sara Hobolt, a professor of politics at the London School of Economics, said the same anti-incumbent sentiment was being felt on both sides of the English Channel. The difference, she said, had to do with what people were voting for or against, as well as Britain’s first-past-the-post voting system in which smaller parties are at a disadvantage.


“There’s nothing to suggest that Brits are more left wing, or less populist or love immigrants more; they are very similar” to voters on the European continent, she said.


Farage’s right-wing populist party, Reform UK, was projected to take 13 seats — far more than previous polls suggested.


The trend toward the far right in Britain is “more muted or less easy to see” than in France, or in a different way in the United States, said Tony Travers, a politics professor at the London School of Economics.


“Nigel Farage comes and goes as its leader. It doesn’t have many members. It’s rather chaotic in many ways. It’s not a long-term movement, and that could make it hard for it to build to the equivalent scale of National Rally in France or indeed [Donald] Trump’s Republicans,” Travers said. Still, the upstart party was besting Conservatives in some constituencies.


In the election, hardly anyone was talking about the drain hole of Brexit. The public is exhausted by the subject.


The highflying visions of Johnson’s “global Britain,” with lucrative trade deals around the world and busy factories at home, never came to pass.


Many people think a Labour-led government would seek a closer relationship with the European Union. But when asked by reporters whether he could foresee any circumstances under which Britain would rejoin the single market or customs union within his lifetime, Starmer replied: “No.”


When it comes to Britain’s foreign policy and its special relationship with the United States, there is not a lot of difference between Labour and Conservatives — at least on paper.


Expect no major moves by Starmer. He will be steadfast on NATO and continue to support and help arm Ukraine. On the Israel-Gaza war, he may press harder for peace deal.


It is an open question, however, if Starmer’s vision “includes reestablishing Britain’s place in the world, or whether their concerns are so overwhelmingly domestic that foreign policy comes a bit more down the line,” said Bronwen Maddox, director of the Chatham House think tank.


There is one issue on which the two parties are clearly at odds: deporting asylum seekers to Rwanda. Starmer has called the policy “gesture politics” and said Labour would instead introduce a new border security unit.


After former president Donald Trump’s criminal conviction in May, Starmer told reporters, “Ultimately, whether he’s elected president will be a matter for the American people and, obviously, if we’re privileged to come in to serve, we would work with whoever they choose as their president.”


He added: “But there’s no getting away from the fact this is a wholly unprecedented situation.”



The intriguing real-life story of Keir Starmer, U.K.'s next prime minister


By William Booth and Karla Adam

How 14 years of Conservative government have changed Britain

By Adam Taylor, William Booth, Artur Galocha and Samuel Granados


1,000 WORDS

A sculpture of the 1654 Pereiaslav Council, depicting Cossack leader Bohdan Khmelnytsky offering allegiance to Moscow in return for protection, stands partly dismantled under the Arch of Freedom of the Ukrainian People in Kyiv. (Ed Ram for The Washington Post)

A sculpture of the 1654 Pereiaslav Council, depicting Cossack leader Bohdan Khmelnytsky offering allegiance to Moscow in return for protection, stands partly dismantled under the Arch of Freedom of the Ukrainian People in Kyiv. (Ed Ram for The Washington Post)


Our colleagues Ed Ram and Kostiantyn Khudov, in photos and words, explain how Kyiv’s shrouded and absent statues tell a story of war and defiance: "As Russian troops rolled toward Kyiv in February 2022, millions of Ukrainians fled, but many of those who stayed rushed to protect the country’s cultural heritage. Statues were encased in sandbags, monuments boarded up, sculptures wrapped, and framed paintings taped over.


Nearly 2½ years later, away from the front lines but still under constant threat of bombardment, many statues remain covered, some have been removed and others have been freed from their sandbags. This incongruous mix has taken on new meaning for some Kyiv residents as the country grapples with a changing sense of identity, a gasping economy and an unrelenting foe."



TALKING POINTS

• President Biden’s faltering performance in last week’s debate has raised new concerns among allies already worried about the possibility of a second Trump presidency as they head to Washington in coming days for a U.S.-hosted NATO summit. An event that the White House anticipated would project Biden’s global leadership and deliver a foreign policy victory at a key campaign moment — less than a week before the Republican National Convention — now has taken on new meaning.


• Hurricane Beryl swept by Jamaica on Wednesday, unleashing flooding rains, damaging winds and a significant ocean surge that inundated coastal areas. The powerful storm came within a few miles of landfall as the storm’s ring of destructive winds scraped along the southern portion of the island. Now the storm — pulling away from the Cayman Islands — is on a collision course with Mexico’s Yucatán Peninsula, poised to strike there early Friday. Then, northeastern Mexico and South Texas will probably be the storm’s final destination Sunday into Monday.


• One of the largest hospitals in southern Gaza is “now completely empty” after medical staff, patients and their families fled the facility following an Israeli evacuation order for parts of Khan Younis, according to the World Health Organization. At the same time, there are signs that many of the thousands who fled fearing the new Israeli incursion in Khan Younis are trickling back after being unable to find new shelter in the crowded parts of the Gaza Strip still accessible to them.


TOP OF THE POST

How will this end? It’s all up to Biden, allies say.

By Ashley Parker and Tyler Pager


Biden told governors he needs to get more sleep, avoid events after 8 p.m.

By Matt Viser, Tyler Pager and Nick Miroff


This Israeli hostage mother supported Netanyahu. Now she wants him gone.

By Shira Rubin


VIEWPOINTS


Migration’s doom loop

By Alejandra Oliva | Commonweal Magazine


Great leaders are scarce. How do we increase the supply?

By Garrett M. Graff | The Washington Post


France’s ‘hard left’ has been demonised – but its agenda is realistic, not radical

By Julia Cagé and Thomas Piketty | The Guardian



SENSING AN OPENING

A member of the New Popular Front leftist coalition speaks at a protest against the far-right National Rally party, which came out strongly ahead in France’s first round of legislative elections Sunday. (Louise Delmotte/AP)


A member of the New Popular Front leftist coalition speaks at a protest against the far-right National Rally party, which came out strongly ahead in France’s first round of legislative elections Sunday. (Louise Delmotte/AP)


The collapse of support for French President Emmanuel Macron’s centrist alliance in legislative elections last weekend has ignited hope among the French left that it can recast itself as the primary competition to the rising far right in the country.


An alliance of leftist parties, the New Popular Front, came in second in the election, garnering 28 percent, behind the far-right National Rally, which won 33 percent. Macron’s centrist alliance secured only 21 percent, and is projected to lose more than half of its Assembly seats.


As France now braces for a second round of voting Sunday that could bring a far-right government into power, the New Popular Front coalition has become “the only alternative” to National Rally, far-left leader Jean-Luc Mélenchon said Sunday. But centrist critics say the leftist alliance is too divided and too extreme to be the far right’s primary opponent.


The balance of power in the lower house of Parliament could have profound implications for France and Europe. While it’s unclear whether any alliance or party can win a majority Sunday, Parliament is likely to be composed of a large far-right faction, a sizable leftist bloc and a vastly diminished center.


In calling snap elections last month, Macron bet that the possibility of a far-right government would mobilize his supporters and reinforce his party’s mandate. But he appears to have underestimated the French left, which — despite deep divisions — was able to cobble together a broad alliance that may have cost Macron’s alliance crucial votes.


The New Popular Front consists primarily of two moderate leftist parties — the center-left Socialist party and the Green party — as well as two far-left movements: Mélenchon’s France Unbowed and the Communist Party. The alliance wants to lower the retirement age, which Macron raised last year, and vastly expand government spending on social welfare, environmental protection and health care.


But Macron’s supporters say the left’s pledges would push France into a debt crisis. Priorities differ vastly among the members of the leftist alliance, which was forged primarily over common frustration with Macron and alarm over the rise of the far right. – Rick Noack 


Read more: As Macron fades and far right surges, French left senses an opening


AFTERWORD

Can you pass a U.S. citizenship test? Take our civics quiz.


By Emma Uber


YOU MIGHT ALSO LIKE

Fact Checker

Count the pinocchios: A weekly review of what’s true, false or in-between in politics, from The Post’s famous fact-checking team.


Sign up ➝

 

 

The Washington Post

No comments:

Post a Comment