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NIAC ( National Iranian American Council) Week of October 14, 2024 - Araghchi: “We Do Not Fear War, But We Do Not Seek It” and more ...

 

Week of October 14, 2024 | Iran Unfiltered is a digest tracking Iranian politics & society by the National Iranian American Council 

Araghchi: “We Do Not Fear War, But We Do Not Seek It”

Iran finds itself at a crossroads as the possibility of an Israeli attack looms large. With ongoing speculation over the scale of Israel’s retaliation, Iranian officials have been engaged in a flurry of diplomatic efforts across the Middle East to position itself for coming escalation. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi and Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf have spearheaded these missions, working to strengthen Iran’s regional alliances and navigate the growing hostilities.

During his recent visit to Lebanon, Ghalibaf took on a central role in boosting the morale of Iranian-aligned forces. In a symbolic move, Ghalibaf personally piloted his flight into Beirut on October 12, landing amid visible smoke from Israeli attacks. He met with Lebanese officials and visited the southern suburbs of Beirut, areas frequently targeted by Israeli airstrikes. 

Ghalibaf’s trip follows tensions around Iranian flights into Lebanon, as an Iranian cargo plane was denied landing in Beirut on September 28 after a warning by Israel issued to Lebanon. In response, Araghchi and Ghalibaf have sought to ensure the continuity of air traffic between Iran and Lebanon, safeguarding crucial supply routes. Additionally, Iran has been utilizing Syria’s Khmeimim Airbase, managed by Russia, to send at least one aircraft into Lebanon, highlighting Tehran’s determination to maintain its connections on the ground in Lebanon.

Iraq, another key regional player, has also been a focal point for Iranian diplomatic efforts. Araghchi’s visit to Baghdad on October 13 underscored the importance of Iran-Iraq relations, which have strengthened over the years despite the Iraqi government’s frequent frustration at being caught in the crossfire of Iran-U.S. proxy wars and popular frustration with Iranian influence over the government. On October 3, Iraqi militias backed by Iran launched a drone against Israeli forces in the Golan Heights, killing two Israeli soldiers and injuring dozens more. These militias have warned that if Israel uses Iraqi airspace to strike Iran, they would retaliate harshly.

Araghchi, during a joint press conference after meeting with Iraqi Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein in Baghdad, stated: “Our region is currently facing very dangerous challenges and is in a state of alert. Therefore, it was necessary for us to have close consultations with our friends in the region, especially in Iraq.” According to IRNA, Araghchi mentioned that Israeli attacks have extended into Lebanon, and there is a possibility that they could spread to other countries in the region, leading to a very dangerous situation and potentially a widespread war. Araghchi also emphasized, “We are fully prepared for a wartime situation. We do not fear war, but we do not seek it. We will continue to work for a just peace in Gaza and Lebanon.

Araghchi then traveled to Oman, a nation known for mediating regional disputes. During discussions with Omani officials, the Iranian Foreign Minister highlighted the strong ties between the two countries and called for urgent international action to halt what he described as the “genocide” and Israeli aggression in Gaza and Lebanon.

The diplomatic tour continued with a visit to Jordan, where Araghchi met with King Abdullah II and Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi. Both parties emphasized the need to prevent further escalation and to safeguard regional stability. Jordan, however, took a firm stance, making clear that it would not allow its territory to be used for military purposes. This statement is significant given the centrality of regional airspace to many Israeli military operations against Iran, as well as Jordan’s role in striking down Iranian drones bound for Israel in April.  

In a historic move, Araghchi also visited Egypt, marking the first trip by an Iranian foreign minister to Cairo in 12 years. His meeting with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi centered on the increasing violence in the region, with both sides agreeing on the urgent need to prevent a full-scale regional war. Today, October 18, Araghchi continues his diplomatic tour with a visit to Turkey.

Meanwhile, the United States has recently ramped up its military involvement with Israel by deploying a Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) missile system to Israel along with one hundred U.S. troops to man it. This move, coming as Israel is preparing to retaliate against Iran, may portend deeper U.S. involvement in the growing regional conflict and willingness to involve American troops.

Iran, for its part, remains defiant. Last weekend, as the U.S. was authorizing its defense materials and troops to Israel, Araghchi took to social media to warn that Iran would not hesitate to defend its people and interests, signaling that any provocation could lead to stronger retaliatory actions. Iranian military leaders have echoed this sentiment, promising a painful response if Israel directly targets Iran.

Russia has largely stayed quiet during the escalating tensions, but Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov has issued a warning to Israel, urging it not to strike Iran’s nuclear facilities due to the catastrophic consequences such an attack could trigger.

Amid these complex dynamics, Iran is working diplomatic channels vigorously. While Israel seems prepared for further strikes, Iran appears to be leveraging its diplomatic channels and military capabilities to counter any escalation. Ghalibaf’s recent suggestion of negotiating with France over UN Resolution 1701, which had previously helped ease tensions between Israel and Hezbollah, was met with criticism from Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati, who called Ghalibaf’s comments unwelcome interference in Lebanon’s internal affairs.

As both sides deliberate over their next moves, the potential for direct conflict remains high. Iran’s efforts to prevent an Israeli attack are in full force, but with major powers now drawn into the fray, the risk of this regional crisis expanding into a wider conflict grows by the day.

Iran Reacts to Death of Hamas Leader Yahya Sinwar

Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar was killed by Israeli forces in Gaza on October 17. The leader of Hamas in Gaza and de facto leader of the entire militant organization since the killing of Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran this summer, Sinwar was considered to be the mastermind of the October 7, 2023 attacks on Israel. Sinwar had also been credited with playing a major role in restoring relations between Iran and Hamas, which had fractured over the Syria civil war. 

Sinwar appears to have hoped that the October 7 attack would fracture Israel and pull Iran and other “axis of resistance” forces directly into the war. However, intelligence indicates that Iranian leaders were kept in the dark on the specifics of the attack, and were angry that they were not forewarned. While Iran expressed rhetorical support for the attack, it thus far appears to have sought to avoid being drawn into a direct confrontation with Israel and the United States.

Following Hamas’ official acknowledgement of his death, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi issued the following statement on X: “Yahya Sinwar did not fear death but sought martyrdom in Gaza. He bravely fought to the very end on the battlefield. His fate – beautifully pictured in his last image –  is not a deterrent but a source of inspiration for resistance fighters across the region, Palestinian and non-Palestinian. We, and countless others around the world, salute his selfless struggle for liberation of the Palestinian people. Martyrs live forever, and the cause for liberation of Palestine from occupation is more alive than ever.”

U.S. President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris issued statements hailing the death of Sinwar and attributing thousands of deaths to him. “This is a good day for Israel, for the United States, and for the world,” stated President Biden. However, each also hinted that the death of the “mastermind” of October 7 could pave the way for an end to the war and the release of hostages held by Hamas. Vice President Harris stated, “This moment gives us an opportunity to finally end the war in Gaza. And it must end such that Israel is secure, the hostages are released, the suffering in Gaza ends, and the Palestinian people can realize their right to dignity, security, freedom, and self-determination.”

Iran-EU Tensions Escalate Amid New Sanctions and Territorial Dispute

Relations between Iran and the European Union (EU) are deteriorating rapidly as the bloc confronts Tehran’s involvement in international conflicts. Iran’s military support for Russia in the Ukraine war, along with its regional activities, were the basis for the EU to impose fresh sanctions, while a separate territorial dispute in the Persian Gulf has further strained ties.

On October 14, the EU introduced new sanctions targeting seven Iranian individuals and seven entities, including major airlines Iran Air, Mahan Air, and Saha Airlines. The sanctions are part of broader measures aimed at punishing Iran for supplying drones and ballistic missiles to Russia, which have been used to deadly effect in the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. Iran has repeatedly denied these allegations despite significant evidence to the contrary.

The EU stated that the new sanctions apply to those responsible for “producing and transferring drones, missiles, and related technologies to Russia in support of its aggressive war against Ukraine,” as well as groups undermining peace in the Middle East and the Red Sea.

Key figures on the sanctions list include high-ranking defense officials and entities involved in Iran’s drone and missile programs. Among them are Hamzeh Qalandari, Deputy Defense Minister, and Behnam Shariari, linked to the IRGC’s Quds Force, who has been involved in supplying weapons to Iran-aligned groups in the region. Other individuals include Ali Shadmani, who facilitated the transfer of drones to Russia, and Ali Jafarbadi, a commander in Iran’s Aerospace Force.

The European designations follow earlier American sanctions in September, with the U.S. adding additional sanctions on IranAir for its alleged role in supplying short-range ballistic missiles to Russia. In response, the UK, Germany, and France have also blacklisted the airline. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi dismissed these sanctions as ineffective, calling them a “failed tool.”

One day after the European Union sanctions, Iran Air canceled its flights to European destinations, citing “the avoidance of the consequences of not being granted landing permission at European airports and preventing passengers from being stranded at airports inside and outside of Iran.” According to a report by BBC Persian, some argue that these sanctions are causing more inconvenience to ordinary people than weakening the Iranian government. 

A user on the social network X (formerly Twitter) wrote: “It’s not Iran Air that’s been sanctioned; it’s the passengers. Now, Iranians are deprived of direct flights and must take a five-hour journey with additional time and cost, wandering through airports in Istanbul, Dubai, or Doha.” Another BBC Persian viewer, living abroad, shared a message saying that for people like them and their friends, whose parents are ill or who need to travel to Iran to visit family, the “closure of Iranian flights to the public” is shameful and regrettable.

One BBC Persian viewer stated that their spouse had traveled from Germany to Iran to visit family, but their return flight was canceled. Now, they must endure significantly higher costs and long waits at Istanbul airport to complete their journey. This viewer added that it seems the sanctions are harming those living in Europe more than they are impacting the Iranian government.

In parallel, the EU, for the first time, has openly sided with the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in a long-standing territorial dispute over three strategic islands in the Persian Gulf: Greater and Lesser Tunbs and Abu Musa. In a joint statement with the Gulf Cooperation Council on October 17, the EU provocatively referred to Iran’s presence on the islands as an “occupation,” and called for Tehran to withdraw.

This shift in EU policy has sparked strong reactions from Iran, where officials view the islands as an integral part of the country’s territory. Iranian Foreign Minister Araghchi condemned the EU’s stance, calling it “confrontational,” while government spokesperson Fatemeh Mohajerani described the islands as “an inseparable part of Greater Iran.”

The territorial dispute between Iran and the UAE has simmered for over 50 years, with the UAE repeatedly calling for international arbitration. In recent years, Abu Dhabi has used its growing influence to gather more international support, including from Russia and the United Nations Security Council.

Meanwhile, the fallout from Iran’s military ties with Russia continues to ripple across the international stage. On October 15, Australia imposed sanctions on five Iranian officials involved in missile development, citing the growing threat of Iran’s ballistic missile program. Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong described Iran’s missile launches as a “serious escalation” that risked broader regional conflict.

Sweden also joined the growing chorus of European nations seeking tougher measures against Tehran. Following a wave of cyberattacks allegedly orchestrated by Iran in response to Quran burnings in Sweden, the country formally requested that the EU designate the IRGC as a terrorist organization. Swedish Foreign Minister Tobias Billström called the Iranian cyberattacks “unacceptable” and underscored the growing threat posed by the IRGC to European security.

As international pressure mounts, Iran finds itself increasingly isolated on the global stage, with sanctions expanding across Europe, North America, and beyond. The EU’s evolving stance and alignment with the UAE in the Persian Gulf dispute further highlight the widening rift between Tehran and the West.

New Judicial Rulings Against Journalists and Civil Activists

Iranian authorities have increased pressure on journalists and activists, with several significant developments reported in the past week. Among the most notable are the sentencing of prominent teacher and labor activist Mohammad Habibi and the re-enforcement of prison terms for journalists Niloofar Hamedi and Elaheh Mohammadi. 

Additionally, Nasrin Shakarami, the mother of Nika Shakarami—one of the victims of the “Woman, Life, Freedom” protests—was arrested in Khorramabad. Nika’s sister, Aida Shakarami, revealed via Instagram that her mother was detained on Wednesday, October 16, although no details regarding the reason for the arrest or charges have been disclosed. Nika Shakarami, 17, disappeared during the nationwide protests in Tehran in 2022, and her body was returned to her family eight days later with many believing she was killed at the hands of security forces.

On Sunday, October 13, Iran’s Judiciary spokesperson Asghar Jahangir announced that Hamedi, a reporter for Shargh newspaper, and Mohammadi, a journalist with Ham-Mihan newspaper, would serve five-year prison sentences. Both journalists were charged with “propaganda against the state” and “collusion against national security” following their reporting on the death and funeral of Mahsa Amini in 2022. Jahangir confirmed that while both were sentenced to one year for propaganda, the five-year sentence for collusion would be enforced. While Hamedi and Mohammadi have not reported to prison yet, the authorities appear poised to return them to prison shortly to fulfill the remainder of their sentence.

This announcement comes after Hamedi and Mohammadi were acquitted in August of charges related to “collaborating with hostile foreign powers,” specifically the United States. In January, both journalists were released on bail, which was celebrated widely with pictures of them welcoming their newfound freedom circulating widely. Observers had hoped that their cases would be dismissed under a general amnesty announced by Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in February 2024, which aimed to pardon those involved in the 2022 protests. 

Jahangir’s statement surprised the journalists’ legal teams. Hamedi’s lawyers, Parto Borhanpour and Hojjat Kermani, expressed their shock in an interview with Shargh newspaper, noting that their clients should have been pardoned under the 2024 amnesty, which applies to individuals detained during the nationwide protests.

In a related case, the Tehran Teachers’ Union condemned the judicial system for its treatment of Mohammad Habibi, a well-known activist and union spokesperson. Habibi was sentenced to six months and one day in prison for protesting the mysterious poisoning of Iranian schoolgirls in late 2023 and early 2024. In a statement issued on Monday, October 14, the union criticized the court’s decision, describing it as unjust and reflective of the judiciary’s failure to protect civil rights.

Published via the union’s Telegram channel, the statement expressed full support for Habibi and condemned the continued persecution of labor and civil activists. It also highlighted the dismissal of Ismail Abdi, another union member, from the education sector, calling it further evidence of the repression faced by teachers for their activism. Abdi, who served eight years in prison on politically motivated charges, was fired after 24 years of service.

The union’s statement further criticized the broader trend of targeting activists, stating, “The ongoing persecution and barring of teachers, despite the annulment of their dismissal orders by the Administrative Justice Court, shows the persistence of regressive forces in power.”

The sentences against Hamedi, Mohammadi, and Habibi highlight the limitations of Iran’s 2024 amnesty, which had been seen as a gesture to ease tensions following widespread protests. While Khamenei’s directive had promised clemency for those who “repented” for their involvement in the 2022 protests, the judiciary appears to be selectively enforcing the order, with prominent activists and journalists still facing harsh penalties.

These developments reflect a broader pattern of repression in Iran, where peaceful protests and labor activism remain frequently criminalized. Despite Article 27 of the Iranian Constitution guaranteeing the right to peaceful assembly and freedom of the press, authorities continue to prosecute those who attempt to exercise these rights.

Minister of Culture Promises Reconsideration of Blacklisted Artists’ Status

Iran’s Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance has pledged to reassess the status of artists who were banned from working in the aftermath of nationwide protests. Speaking on the sidelines of a cabinet meeting, Abbas Salehi, the Minister of Culture, announced that there will be a review of each case involving blacklisted artists and a comprehensive reconsideration will take place.

In a report by Mehr News Agency, Salehi stated, “Every artist who has been banned from working will be re-evaluated in this new period, and a general reconsideration will occur.” This follows a statement made about a month ago by the spokesperson for the Iranian House of Cinema, who revealed that around 300 artists in Iran have been barred from working due to political, social, security, or unresolved judicial cases.

The banning of these artists occurred after the 2022 protests sparked by the death of Mahsa (Jina) Amini while in the custody of Iran’s morality police. In the wake of these protests, numerous artists, particularly actresses, defied mandatory hijab laws by appearing without headscarves in public events and spaces. Many also expressed their support for the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement on social media. As a result, several were summoned, arrested, or faced legal action.

Notable actresses such as Baran Kosari, Vishka Asayesh, Taraneh Alidoosti, Katayoun Riahi, Pantea Bahram, Hengameh Ghaziani, Pegah Ahangarani, Maryam Bobani, Golab Adineh, Fatemeh Motamed-Arya, Shaghayegh Dehghan, and Afsaneh Bayegan are among those banned from working due to their decision to appear without the mandatory hijab.

Renowned Iranian Singer Aminollah Rashidi Passes Away at 99

Aminollah Rashidi, the iconic singer and songwriter whose work has left a lasting mark on Iranian music, passed away on Friday, October 11, at the age of 99. Shortly after his death, the Iranian arts community took to social media to honor his memory and pay their respects. His daughter, Afsaneh Rashidi, announced that his body would be donated to Iran University of Medical Sciences for research, and thus, no formal funeral ceremony would be held.

Aminollah Rashidi was born on April 24, 1925, in the village of Ravand, near Kashan. His father was a farmer, and his mother, the daughter of the poet Adib Beizaei Kashani, had a passion for writing poetry. Through his mother’s family, Rashidi was connected to notable figures like composer Siavash Beizaei and renowned playwright and filmmaker Bahram Beizaei.

When he was just four months old, his family moved to Kashan, where he completed his primary and secondary education. Simultaneously, he began studying traditional Persian carpet design under masters Mohammad Dabir al-Sanaye and Hassan Naqshpour Araki. It was Naqshpour, also a musician, who introduced young Aminollah to the fundamentals of Iranian music.

However, financial constraints prevented Rashidi from pursuing a full-time career in the arts, and after finishing high school, he began working at a notary office in Kashan. In 1939, when Tehran Radio began broadcasting—coincidentally on his birthday—Rashidi saw it as a positive omen. In 1946, he moved to Tehran, where he prioritized continuing his musical education.

At 21, Rashidi expanded his knowledge of traditional Iranian music by listening to gramophone records of famous singers and attending evening classes at Tehran’s music conservatory. He studied music notation under the guidance of masters like Mussa Maroufi and Masoud Maroufi and learned vocal techniques from Dr. Mehdi Forough.

Rashidi became the first Iranian singer to write down his musical compositions without the aid of an instrument, using only his knowledge of music notation. After three years of study, Mussa Maroufi introduced him to Ali Mohammad Khadem Meisagh, the conductor of one of Tehran Radio’s orchestras. In 1949, at the age of 24, Rashidi made his debut with the song “Ranj-e Jodaee” (The Pain of Separation), which aired on Tehran Radio.

In 1957, Rashidi married a woman from Kashan, with whom he had two children, Afsaneh and Saba. He continued to collaborate with Tehran Radio’s military music program, working closely with renowned composer Ali Tajvidi and participating in other radio programs led by Mohammad Baharloo.

Rashidi’s music career on Tehran Radio spanned until 1965, during which time he composed around 120 songs. He often wrote his own lyrics, but he also set to music the works of notable poets such as Touraj Negahban, Bijan Taraqqi, Mehrdad Avesta, Fereydoon Moshiri, and Abolghasem Halat.

His music style bridged traditional Iranian folk music with more modern forms, what he referred to as a “middle ground.” As Rashidi himself once said, “If this moderation and balance applied to all aspects of life, the world would be a much more beautiful and pleasant place.”

In addition to his work as a musician, Rashidi was a poet, writer, and critic. He published articles in various publications, including a notable critique of Mohammad Hoghooghi’s book Modern Poetry: From the Beginning to Today in Vahid magazine in 1973.

Rashidi authored several books, including his travel memoir From Kashan to the Canary Islands in 1993, Atre Gisu (Fragrance of the Locks), a memoir and songbook in 2002, and Iran in the Passage of Time, published in 2011.

In the 1990s, he began releasing his work in the form of albums, including Delam Tang Ast (My Heart is Lonely), Afsoongar (The Enchantress), Man Eshgham (I Am Love), Atre Gisu, Cheshme Shab (The Eye of the Night), and Bakht-e Gomshodeh (The Lost Fortune). Two of his notable works, “Darya” (The Sea), arranged for symphonic orchestra and choir by Amir Malekpour, and “Keestam Man” (Who Am I), arranged by Jamal al-Din Manbari, were recorded and performed with the National Orchestra.

In 2016, Rashidi gave his final public performance, singing with the Ramsheh Orchestra. A year later, in a surprising move, he sought to run for president in the 2017 Iranian elections but was disqualified by the Guardian Council due to his advanced age.

Aminollah Rashidi leaves behind a lasting legacy in Iranian music, remembered for his unique fusion of traditional and modern styles, his literary contributions, and his enduring influence on generations of musicians and artists.

The National Iranian American Council (NIAC) extends its heartfelt condolences to Rashidi’s family and admirers, emphasizing his profound impact on Iranian culture. NIAC praises Rashidi’s lifelong dedication to the arts, noting Aminollah Rashidi was not only a pioneer in Iranian music but also a beacon of creativity.

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