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SCMP - US-China relations ChinaDiplomacy Xi-Trump summit: White House locks in new dates in May

 Diplomacy

Trump-Xi summit: US announces new dates in May

Xi-Trump summit: White House locks in new dates in May

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The long-awaited meeting between US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping will take place in Beijing on May 14 and 15, the White House said on Wednesday. Photo: Reuters
Khushboo Razdanin WashingtonandMark Magnierin New York
After weeks of speculation and behind-the-scenes intrigue over the delayed summit between President Xi Jinping and US President Donald Trump, the White House announced on Wednesday new dates for the long-anticipated, high-stakes meeting.
“I’m pleased to announce that President Trump’s … long-awaited meeting with President Xi in China will now take place in Beijing on May 14 and 15,” White House spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt said.

In a social media post, Trump described Xi as “the highly respected president of China”, adding that “representatives” on both sides were “finalising preparations” for the “historic” visit.

Open QuestionsTrump-Xi summits: an inside view with US ex-diplomat William Klein

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Illustration: Victor Sanjinez

William Klein worked for more than two decades as a US diplomat, including in several senior roles at the United States’ embassy in Beijing from 2016 to 2021. He worked at the American Institute in Taiwan and on the US State Department’s China desk in Washington, and occupied US diplomatic posts in South Asia, the Middle East and the former Soviet Union. He is based in the Berlin office of FGS Global, a strategic advisory and communications firm.

SCMP Plus readers get early access to articles in the Open Questions series.
What should we expect from US President Donald Trump’s visit to China – whenever it takes place? Will it have any impact on the trajectory of China-US relations during Trump’s second term?

OpinionMiddle powers are taking up the mantle of multilateral leadership

With the US in retreat, nations committed to economic integration are moving forward through partnerships like the CPTPP

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Illustration: Craig Stephens

For much of the post-war era, the architecture of global governance rested on the simple assumption that the United States would support the systems it largely designed and uphold the rules it helped to create.

The first Trump administration was no isolated incident. Now, from the vantage point of 2026, amid the US-Israel attack on Iran and the subsequent closing of the Strait of Hormuz, it is quite clear that there is little sign of an appetite in Washington for the US to once again safeguard the order it helped create.

Yet the retreat of one great power does not mean the collapse of globalisation or multilateralism. Instead, the torch has passed to middle powers who are coming together in flexible formations to sustain the institutions that underpin globalisation and multilateralism.

Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney expressed this critical juncture at the World Economic Forum in Davos in January, where he laid to rest hopes of a return to normal. He argued, quite rightly, that countries must increasingly build flexible forms of cooperation rather than rely solely on rigid ideological blocs.

As we enter a “Romance of the Three Kingdoms period” in global politics, the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) stands as an example of middle-power agency. When the US abandoned the original Trans-Pacific Partnership, the framework verged on collapse. Yet it did not.

Instead, a coalition of middle powers, including Japan, Canada, Australia and other economies, rallied to save it in a revealing experiment in middle-power leadership. The agreement’s constituent economies account for roughly 15 per cent of global gross domestic product and represent some of the most dynamic trading nations in the Asia-Pacific, and it now includes the United Kingdom.

Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim (left) and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan shake hands as they formalise agreements in Ankara, Turkey, on January 7. Photo: Xinhua
Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim (left) and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan shake hands as they formalise agreements in Ankara, Turkey, on January 7. Photo: Xinhua

The CPTPP is just a single facet of an emerging architecture as middle powers ranging from Group of Seven members to regional actors – such as Turkey and India – respond to a world where the US no longer anchors the security and economic architecture of the international system. That does not mean the US has ceased to matter, but it does mean even its formerly close middle-power allies are beginning to exercise greater autonomy.

But today, the agreement is more important than ever. In a period marked by rising tariffs, industrial policy disputes and unilateral economic measures, it represents a shared commitment to open markets and predictable trade rules with a significance that has expanded beyond the Pacific Rim. Sweden has proposed that the European Union join the CPTPP.

At a time when tariffs, sanctions and industrial policy measures are increasingly deployed outside multilateral frameworks, and the US-Israel attack on Iran casts doubts on the future of multilateralism, the CPTPP serves as an indictment of unilateralism, defending open trade with free and fair rules against protectionism.

The emergence of this united front can be reinforced by answering one of the most consequential questions for the CPTPP’s future: whether other middle powers can find their place in the agreement. Both China and the EU could cooperate or even accede to the agreement, working hand in hand to develop a free, fair and open future for both world trade and global governance.

An employee works on a production line at a pharmaceutical packaging manufacturer in Lianyungang, Jiangsu province, on December 16, 2024. Photo: Xinhua
An employee works on a production line at a pharmaceutical packaging manufacturer in Lianyungang, Jiangsu province, on December 16, 2024. Photo: Xinhua

China is interested in both cooperation and possible membership. In recent years, Simon Birmingham, who served as Australian trade minister, has publicly encouraged China to pursue CPTPP membership. Integrating major economies into high-standard trade frameworks strengthens both the agreements themselves and the broader international economic order.

Furthermore, China is developing its own trade policy trajectory in ways that are complementary. Participation in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, the world’s largest trade agreement by population, has been a prelude focused on increasing market access and harmonising trade rules. But Beijing is ready to step beyond that to the next generation of more encompassing trade agreements. Already, China has seen an extensive raft of reforms, which represent a commitment to the high-standard trade rules of the CPTPP.
The demand for global trade is still strong. As the lifeblood of the world’s prosperity, trade’s share of global economic activity remains consistent. What is changing are the institutional pathways through which trade flows. The partners on the dance floor may be shifting, but the dance itself continues. Together, a sort of World Trade Organization 2.0 could be built as a logical extension of the Multi-Party Interim Appeal Arbitration Arrangement.

Here, Japan could play a critical role. As the largest economy currently inside the CPTPP, Tokyo occupies a position of gentle influence. If Japan were to support and guide China’s pathway towards CPTPP membership, it could not only reinforce the agreement’s economic weight but also open a channel to bolster trust and cooperation. This is crucial, especially given the current low ebb of China-Japan relations.

Ultimately, the CPTPP’s significance lies in what it means for globalisation’s future. The world is entering a multipolar era in which economic and political leadership is distributed rather than concentrated. In such a system, multilateralism depends on coalitions willing to uphold open markets and shared rules.

The US may even decide to rejoin this framework someday. Should it look to do so, the door should remain open. But the experience of the CPTPP reflects an important reality: the future of global trade will not wait for any single country. Nations that remain committed to economic integration are moving forward together. In doing so, they are shaping the foundations of a more plural – but still open – global system.

Wang Huiyao
Wang Huiyao is the founder of the Centre for China and Globalisation, a Beijing-based non-governmental think tank.

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