Thursday, February 5, 2026

EURONEWS - THE bRİEFİNG BY Jorge Liboreiro - Who wantsto call Putin first?

 

TheWatch


EURONEWS

Who wants to call Putin first?

By Jorge Liboreiro


Should the European Union pick up the phone and speak with Vladimir Putin? Well, depends on who you ask.


The idea of re-engaging diplomatically with the Kremlin as part of the ongoing efforts to end the war in Ukraine has sharply divided member states. As you might recall, the EU abruptly closed off direct communications after Putin gave the green light for the full-scale invasion on 24 February 2022. Since then, the strategy of isolation has held steady, barring Hungary and Slovakia, which broke ranks to foster closer ties with Moscow, prompting accusations of disloyalty.


But last year, something shifted. Shortly after his re-election, Donald Trump shocked Western allies when he launched negotiations with Putin. It was a unilateral, uncoordinated decision that left Europeans scrambling to secure the famous “seat at the table.” Tough Europeans, thanks to the “Coalition of the Willing,” managed to gradually carve a space in the process, they remain today at the mercy of the White House, which is the main interlocutor with the Kremlin.


Cue Emmanuel Macron.


The French president raised eyebrows when he suggested relaunching communications with Russia. Macron argued direct talks would be “useful” to avoid depending on Washington’s diplomacy, which, as Europeans have noticed as of late, is not always predictable and stable. After all, the thinking in Paris went, the peace process is poised to redefine Europe’s security architecture for generations to come, so Europeans should naturally have a say.


At first, the pitch sounded like another rogue mission from Macron, who has built a reputation for making bold, provocative statements. But then, the French leader received the endorsement from a prime minister with whom he has often disagreed and, at times, clashed: Giorgia Meloni.


“Macron is right on this. I believe the time has come for Europe to also speak with Russia,” the Italian premier said last month. “If Europe decides to take part in this phase of negotiations by talking only to one of the two sides, I fear that in the end the positive contribution it can make will be limited.”


The Macron-Meloni alignment pushed the topic straight to the front page. Suddenly, the question of whether the EU should appoint a special envoy to lead the re-engagement with Russia was treated with the utmost seriousness. The European Commission, a staunch advocate of diplomatic isolation, changed tune and admitted direct talks could take place “at some point” in the future.


As the debate intensifies, so do the divisions.


In yet another Franco-German break, Berlin came against the move, citing as reasons Putin’s maximalist demands and his perennial refusal to establish an unconditional ceasefire, a long-held request by Western allies (and previously by Trump himself). Russia’s barrage of missiles and drones plunging Ukrainians into blackouts at sub-zero temperatures has only solidified the opposition.


“We currently see no need to open additional channels of communication,” German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said last week, when asked about the matter. “Moscow must be willing to end the war. If Moscow isn’t, the price it has to pay for this war, including the economic price, will increase week by week.”


The foreign ministries of Lithuania, Estonia and Cyprus also voiced resistance. Swedish Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson suggested that the EU must first find out “whether Russia even wants to conclude something that resembles a proper peace with Ukraine. And until that question has even begun to be answered, I do not think we should charge ahead and try to engage in talks with Russia.”


By contrast, Austria, the Czech Republic and Luxembourg jumped on the bandwagon of the special envoy. Latvian Prime Minister Evika Siliņa told us she’s in favour of the idea and name-checked Macron, Merz, Poland’s Donald Tusk and even Britain’s Keir Starmer, whose country is not an EU member, as potential candidates to fill the vacancy.


“I think you need to engage in diplomacy. You always need to talk, but we need to isolate and still have sanctions on Russia,” Siliņa said. “We have to be at the negotiation table because Ukrainians themselves have started to negotiate. So why should Europeans not negotiate?”


The split is hardly surprising. For some, re-engaging with Putin, a head of state that allies want to prosecute for war crimes, is unpalatable. Europeans are well aware that the Kremlin will exploit any overture to claim the Western front is fracturing and Russia is being reinserted in the global order. The exact opposite of accountability. For others, the peace process and the enormous stakes at play must take precedence over any moral reservations or political risks. Diplomacy, they say, is always unpleasant and entails, sooner or later, painful compromises.


The impasse is already weakening. Earlier this week, Macron dispatched his diplomatic advisor to Moscow to speak directly with the Kremlin. The trip, which was leaked to the press only after it happened, was made “discreetly.”


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