By Jorge Liboreiro
Ursula von der Leyen’s standing suffered this week one of the greatest and most painful blows of her two-mandate presidency. Her European Commission lost on all counts in the legal battle known as Pfizergate, earning a scathing reprimand by the Grand Chambre of the General Court in Luxembourg.
Before we dive deeper into the drama, let’s first go back in time: the scandal dates to April 2021, when von der Leyen gave a (rare) interview to the New York Times in which she explained how she had personally engaged with the CEO of Pfizer, Albert Bourla, to seal a mammoth deal for 1.8 billion COVID-19 vaccines. According to the original article, the agreement, one of the biggest ever signed by the Commission, was the fruit of “calls and texts” exchanged directly between von der Leyen and Bourla. The headline-making admission led the New York Times to file a request for information seeking access to the text messages due to the fundamental role they had played in the multi-billion-euro negotiations. The Commission refused the request, triggering instantaneous outrage and unleashing a torrent of questions about transparency. In reaction, the New York Times sued.
Since then, the Berlaymont has been on the defensive to maintain a façade of credibility. Officials have gone as far as to contend that the VDL-Bourla chat wasn’t relevant enough to be stored, despite the importance that von der Leyen herself attached to the SMS in the article. “It’s not because you have a text between the Commission president and another person that it automatically constitutes a policy-making document,” a senior official said earlier this week during a briefing that left journalists scratching their heads.
Then, the judges issued their ruling. And Brussels lost badly.
The Commission was chastised for not giving a “plausible explanation” to justify why it didn’t have the text messages and for not “sufficiently” clarifying if the text messages still exist or have been deleted – and if, crucially, that deletion was deliberate or automatic. In another scathing rebuke, the judges questioned the claim that the SMS weren’t important enough to be registered.
“The Commission has failed to explain in a plausible manner why it considered that the text messages exchanged in the context of the procurement of COVID-19 vaccines did not contain important information or information involving follow-up, the retention of which must be ensured,” the General Court said in a press release.
It was a damning verdict that read like a broader denunciation of the widespread obscurity that permeates the powerful executive.
Although von der Leyen has won plaudits over her steady management of the back-to-back crises that have hit the bloc in the past five years, her centralised way of governing has been a recurrent source of friction in Brussels. Von der Leyen is known for keeping critical files close to her chest and operating an extremely tight-knit group of advisors, something that has led to faster, bolder decision-making but has built higher walls within the Commission that make it harder for outsiders, including journalists and civil society, to keep track of what’s really on.
Von der Leyen’s governance has also antagonised other institutions, most notably the European Parliament, which has filed several lawsuits against the executive’s actions. The European Ombudsman has compiled an even longer list of grievances. Way before this week’s ruling, the EU watchdog had called the refusal to release the text messages a case of “maladministration.”
With no options left to sugar-coat the defeat, the Commission has adopted a cold approach. The executive intends to work “along the lines” laid out by the judges in the ruling to write a “new decision with a more complete and detailed justification,” the chief spokesperson said. In other words, the refusal to release the documents will remain. Only the wording will change.
But the be-all, end-all question remains: Do these text messages still exist? The Commission just won’t say.
The only explanation provided to the lingering enigma is that, per internal rules, the executive conducted a two-step internal search of documents, registered and unregistered, that could be relevant to the New York Times’s request. “As a result of the search, documents falling within the scope of the request could not be identified,” the spokesperson said.
It’s a baffling reply that does nothing but reinforce the impression that, when asked to choose between secrecy of bureaucracy and freedom of information, the Commission opts for the former. But the court, as it made it clear, prefers the latter.
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