South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol in his office this month. The plaque on his desk was a gift from President Biden. (Jean Chung for The Washington Post/For The Washington Post) |
The menu for the Wednesday state dinner at the White House is set. South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol will be treated to fusion fare — think Maryland crab served with a kimchi slaw, Korean “galbi,” or beef short ribs, alongside butter bean grits. “We hope to showcase the harmony of our cultures and our people intertwined,” first lady Jill Biden told reporters. Beyond the dinner, President Biden and his South Korean counterpart will have plenty to chew on. The pair will discuss a diverse agenda, including the war in Ukraine, concerns over China, North Korea’s nuclear threat and a range of business tie-ups between the two countries’ major companies. Yoon’s tour through Washington is jam-packed. On Tuesday, he appeared alongside Vice President Harris at NASA’s Goddard Visitor Center in the Maryland suburbs to talk about space. After meetings with Biden on Wednesday, Yoon will on Thursday address a joint session of Congress, an opportunity reserved for the United States’ closest allies and partners. South Korea certainly stands in that camp. Seoul has sheltered under an American security umbrella for the better part of a century and the presidents will mark the 70th anniversary of the alliance between their two countries, forged in the wake of the bloody war on the Korean Peninsula that has left the last conflict of the Cold War frozen along the 38th parallel. “The most important thing [for this week] is for it to be an opportunity for the people of both countries to properly recognize the historical significance of the … alliance and its achievements,” Yoon told my colleague Michelle Ye Hee Lee in an interview in his presidential office in Seoul before leaving for Washington. Still, the meeting does not come without its awkwardness. Yoon arrived in the United States in the wake of embarrassing revelations from a cache of U.S. top-secret documents leaked on a chat server that seemed to indicate U.S. officials had been spying on their Korean counterparts. The intelligence related in the leak surrounded the anguished deliberations among top aides to Yoon last month over American requests that Seoul greenlight the sale of ammunition to Ukraine, possibly via Poland in order not to directly transfer arms to a country at war. The news created an uproar in South Korea’s polarized political scene, with Yoon’s conservative opponents pointing to his decision to relocate his office outside the country’s existing presidential compound as a possible national security threat. It also raised eyebrows over Seoul’s perceived acquiescence to Washington. “As a sovereign nation, we must sternly respond to the spying of state secrets, even if it was committed by an ally with whom [South Korea] has bonded over blood,” said Park Hong-keun, floor leader of the main opposition Democratic Party, casting the incident as a “diplomatic humiliation.” An editorial in the right-leaning Chosun Ilbo suggested the incident should prompt South Korea to “reinforce our own spying capacities.” The fallout over the spying scandal is less important than the more substantive matters on Yoon’s plate in Washington. Like countries in Europe, South Korea is wary of the Biden administration’s new industrial policies and intensifying economic confrontation with China, which has ripple effects for the entire global economy. South Korean companies producing advanced microchips may win billions of dollars in U.S. subsidies, but the stipulations of new U.S. federal legislation will impact how they can do business in China. Yoon will be hoping to win waivers and concessions for Korean firms, while also pressing Biden for greater clarity and commitment on North Korea. The mixed signals from former president Donald Trump over the United States’ long-standing security presence in South Korea triggered something of a reckoning there, not least with the prospect of Trump’s return in 2025. According to polls, a majority of South Koreans now believe it may be in their country’s interest to develop its own nuclear arsenal to deepen its ability to deter North Korea, which has stepped up its missile tests and saber-rattling. “On economic issues, Biden needs to reassure the South Koreans that his policies are also in their interests,” said Kim Hyun-wook, director general of the Korea National Diplomatic Academy, to the Financial Times. “On security, he needs to demonstrate a strong commitment to South Korea’s defense against the North, including if necessary through nuclear retaliation.” In a briefing this week with reporters, White House national security adviser Jake Sullivan said that Yoon’s trip may conclude with a joint statement that “will send a very clear and demonstrable signal of the United States’ credibility when it comes to its extended deterrence commitments” to South Korea. For its part, the Biden administration wants to secure further support for its efforts in Ukraine. These center on an urgent need to rush ammunition, in particular, artillery shells, to the front lines. South Korea has condemned the Russian invasions and placed sanctions on Moscow, but arms transfers to Kyiv may prove a step too far for a country that still has to calibrate its relations with Moscow and Beijing. “Ukraine is under an illegal invasion, so it is appropriate to provide a range of aid, but when it comes to how and what we will supply, we cannot but consider many direct and indirect relationships between our country and the warring countries,” Yoon told my colleagues. The Biden administration also hopes to see South Korea step up as a close ally in the tense and evolving geopolitical chess match with China. To that end, it has welcomed Yoon’s efforts to ease bilateral relations with Japan, which has been locked for decades in political disagreements with South Korea stemming from the grim legacy of its colonial occupation of the peninsula almost a century ago. Yoon worked to resolve a controversial labor compensation dispute with Tokyo and, despite courting the anger of the South Korean left, last month became the first leader of his country to visit Japan in 12 years. | |
“Europe has experienced several wars for the past 100 years and despite that, warring countries have found ways to cooperate for the future,” Yoon told The Washington Post. “I can’t accept the notion that because of what happened 100 years ago, something is absolutely impossible [to do] and that they [Japanese] must kneel [for forgiveness] because of our history 100 years ago. And this is an issue that requires decision. … In terms of persuasion, I believe I did my best.” Mended fences with Japan may allow sharper coordination on China. “If a clash erupts in the Taiwan Strait, the United States will demand various cooperation from its allies and partner nations,” Kim Han-kwon, a professor at the Seoul-based Institute of Foreign Affairs and National Security, wrote in February. “It sees its bilateral alliances with South Korea and Japan, in particular, as key regional strategic assets in connection with the Taiwan Strait.” |
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