By Jorge Liboreiro
European politics are on increasingly shaky ground as 9 June draws nearer, so much so that pollsters might have no choice but to throw away their statistical models and rush to design new ones.
This week we witnessed an event of a magnitude that threatens to reshape the next European Parliament, perhaps irreversibly. In an interview with La Repubblica, Maximilian Krah, the lead candidate of Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), declared he would “never say that anyone who wore an SS uniform was automatically a criminal.”
“You have to assess guilt on a case-by-case basis. At the end of the war, there were almost a million SS. Even Günter Grass was a member of the Waffen-SS,” he said, referring to the German author who revealed his SS association years after winning the Nobel Prize for Literature.
His comments quickly became a hot topic of conversation and ratcheted up pressure over Krah, who was already under intense scrutiny since his assistant was accused of working for the Chinese secret service and arrested. The scandal also renewed fears over how much the far right will affect Europe’s core values once the elections are over.
Fearing irreparable damage, Krah’s far-right fellows moved fast to denounce the MEP and, quite remarkably, cut ties with him and the AfD.
The AfD “has crossed some lines that I consider to be red lines and, as a result, the Rassemblement National (RN) will have new allies at the end of the European elections but will no longer sit alongside the AfD,” said France’s Jordan Bardella.
A source at Italy’s Lega said the party was “perfectly aligned and in agreement” with the RN’s leadership, while Denmark’s Anders Vistisen, ID’s main face in the elections, said that “Maximilian Krah from the AfD has shown with his statements and actions that he does not belong in the ID group.” If the AfD does not “get rid” of Krah, he went on, the AfD should leave the ID group.
Krah attempted to defend himself with a textbook technique in crisis management: claim your words have been taken out of context and misused. He then said he would “refrain from making further campaign appearances with immediate effect and resign as a member of the federal executive board.” He, however, would remain a candidate.
But the statement failed to pacify the backlash against Krah. By Thursday, the ID group voted to expel the AfD.
It’s an impressive act of disavowal for a formation that, according to Euronews’ Poll Centre, is projected to jump from 59 seats today to 82 in June, a boost that could give the fringe tangible influence. Given the AfD’s weight, the removal will significantly shrink ID’s standing, subtracting around 15 MEPs. Without German representation, the show will be effectively run by the French.
Progressive lawmakers will doubtlessly rejoice in the inner implosion of the far right mere days before the elections. Some might be tempted to proclaim the beginning of the end. But the far-right shadow extends beyond its own ranks and can darken even the most impenetrable corners.
Take the liberals of Renew Europe, the long-time champions of fundamental rights who have been thrown into disarray after one of its members, the VVD party, signed a coalition deal with the far right of Geert Wilders in the Netherlands.
Renew’s leader, Valérie Hayer, has confirmed the group would hold a vote on 10 June to decide whether VVD members should remain inside or be kicked out. Hayer is in a particularly precarious position to show outright opposition to the far right because she’s directly running against the Rassemblement National at home – and trailing them at an estimated two-digit gap.
“For me, this is an unacceptable option because they are not respecting our values by making this alliance,” Hayer told French media. “We've always respected the cordon sanitaire. It’s one of the group’s absolute values, and I’ll take my responsibilities after the election to ensure that these values continue to be respected.”
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