China Tensions Spill Over as Europe Moves Toward Biden’s Side
The biggest shift could come later this
year if Germany’s Greens take on a role in government after the September
election.
Bloomberg News
4 Mayıs 2021 02:01 GMT+3
EU’s Move Toward
Biden’s Side Stirs Tensions With China
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EU’s Move Toward Biden’s Side Stirs
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A major
investment deal reached in December between the European Union and China —
after seven years of
painful negotiations — may end up being the high-water mark for ties that
are quickly deteriorating again.
Since
then, the EU’s executive branch and Germany have each formulated legislation
that would make life harder for
Chinese entities to invest, while joining the U.S. in swapping tit-for-tat
sanctions with Beijing. Italy’s government has turned from an enthusiastic
backer of President Xi Jinping’s Belt and Road Initiative to blocking planned
acquisitions by Chinese companies. And in France, China’s ambassador didn’t even show up when
summoned in March, citing “agenda reasons.”
Taken
together, the moves signal a hardening of the European stance on Beijing. And the
biggest shift could be yet to come, with polls showing the German Greens party
on course for a significant role in
government after September’s election, raising the prospect of a more
China-skeptic chill from Europe’s biggest economy.
Chancellor Angela Merkel spoke with Chinese Premier Li
Keqiang last week, and the two pledged closer cooperation on Covid-19 vaccines
and fighting climate change. Yet the talk in Berlin is that optimism around the
relationship is gone, and one Chinese official characterized ties with Europe
as on a downward trajectory. Whether the Greens come to power in Germany or
not, EU-China relations are at a critical juncture, said the official, asking
not to be identified speaking about strategic matters.
Angela
Merkel during virtual talks with Li Keqiang on April 28.
Photographer: Pool/Getty Images
The multiple signs of strain suggest Europe’s biggest
players are moving closer to the views of President Joe Biden’s administration
in its standoff with China. As Secretary of State Antony Blinken holds talks in
London this week with his Group of Seven counterparts, a Europe more aligned
with Washington would signal some repair to the damage done to transatlantic
ties by the Trump administration, with implications for trade, tariffs and
access to technology.
“There’s been a mood shift,” said Joerg Wuttke,
Beijing-based president of the European Chamber of Commerce in China and a
board member of the Mercator Institute of China Studies in Berlin, one of the
entities sanctioned by China in March.
He cited the “perfect storm” of China’s
assertiveness toward Taiwan, its move to impose political control over
Hong Kong, and international sanctions over alleged human-rights abuses in the
Xinjiang region, overlaid by the fact that China hasn’t followed through on its
promises of opening up economically.
To be sure, Europe is not uniform in its outlook, with
EU members such as Hungary still eager to engage with China. And whereas Biden
has said that China can expect “extreme competition” from the U.S. while it
also seeks to work with it on global issues such as climate change, Europe
faces more of a dilemma as its strives to forge its own path.
Economic
ties remain paramount since China is the EU’s biggest trading partner, with a
total volume of some $686 billion in 2020 outstripping U.S.-China trade of $572
billion. Yet now even the Netherlands, which is among China’s top 10 trading
partners, is growing more wary,
protecting its high-tech companies from takeover and enacting a dedicated China
strategy. According to the Chinese official, the U.S. has forced the EU to take
sides.
The
sentiment was different just four months ago when Merkel helped steer the bloc
to seal the EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment, which Commission
President Ursula von der Leyen said was “an important landmark in our
relationship with China.” Still subject to ratification by the European
Parliament, it would provide improved access to the Chinese market for European
investors while committing China to “ambitious principles” including on forced
labor.
Ursula
von der Leyen
Photographer: Thierry Monasse/Bloomberg
Yet
by late March, the EU had joined the U.S., Canada and the U.K. in imposing
sanctions on China over alleged mistreatment of Muslim Uyghurs in
Xinjiang, including forcing them to work. Beijing responded with its
own sanctions, while a public backlash saw
Swedish fashion retailer Hennes & Mauritz AB subject to an unofficial
boycott.
“The EU has recently added more agenda items tied with
human rights, ideology, democracy,” said Zhang Monan, senior fellow at the
U.S.-Europe Institute at the China Center for International Economic Exchanges
in Beijing. “This kind of opposition and friction is expected to continue.” She
added that the EU is expected to formulate policy independently since it
doesn’t want to be subordinate to the U.S.
The European Commission is now proposing rules to
levy fines and block deals targeted at foreign state-owned companies, while
Merkel’s cabinet approved additional powers over foreign investment last week
aimed at high-tech sectors including artificial intelligence and quantum
computing. Both measures would hinder China.
China had hoped to separate economic issues from
political issues and to bind Europe with its huge consumer market, but that’s
increasingly impossible now, said an academic at a Chinese
government-affiliated think tank. Ratification of the CAI has become more
challenging, said the person, who is not authorized to comment publicly due to
rules on speaking to foreign media.
Signs of the tensions were on show during
the virtual talks led by Merkel and Li. In a departure from usual
practice, the opening remarks were not live-streamed and there was no
concluding press conference. A transcript posted several hours later by Germany
showed that Merkel addressed human rights, saying there were differences of
opinion particularly over Hong Kong.
“China and Germany have different views on some
issues, this is a fact,” Li told Merkel, urging Germany not interfere
in internal matters, according to a statement from the Chinese Foreign
Ministry. Li said he hoped they could “eliminate unnecessary distractions” to
maintain “healthy and stable” bilateral ties.
A
facility believed to be a re-education camp where mostly Muslim ethnic
minorities are detained, in Xinjiang region, in June 2019.
Photographer: GREG BAKER/AFP
The shift in Europe has not been lost on Washington. A
Biden administration official said there’s been a sea change in European
thinking, coming on board with the U.S. stance on China. There’s been real
evolution in Germany too, the official said.
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That
change could get more pronounced if the Greens convert their opinion poll lead
into a strong showing or even victory in September, with Merkel set to step aside.
While all coalitions involve policy trade-offs, the Greens have a harsher line
on China than the current administration, calling for an end to
Beijing’s “blatant human-rights violations” and for closer European and
transatlantic coordination on China.
A coalition with the conservatives as suggested by
polls would see continuity in German foreign policy but with “different nuances”
on China, said Jana Puglierin, head of the Berlin office of the European
Council on Foreign Relations. “The Greens would clearly advocate a less
mercantilist policy than we have seen under Merkel,” she said.
For
now, Europe is determined to avoid decoupling entirely with China. French
President Emmanuel Macron and Merkel held a joint call with Xi in April, and
a report in China’s Global Times on April 28 referred to
“optimism and confidence in China-Germany cooperation” despite the risk of
“some impacts” after the election. Merkel’s would-be successors and business
leaders know the “great potential” of Europe working with China, “so they need
to ensure healthy ties won’t be interrupted by any third party or internal
conservative forces.”
Still, Wuttke at the European trade chamber said that
China underestimates the concern over human rights in Germany. Especially after
the departure of Merkel, who favored engagement with China, that’s likely to
“translate into possibly more assertive policy in Berlin,” he said.
— With
assistance by Arne Delfs, Colum Murphy, Peter Martin, Nick Wadhams, Ania
Nussbaum, Iain Rogers, and Kevin Dharmawan
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