Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of State
Paris, France
Quai d’Orsay
FOREIGN MINISTER BARROT: (Via interpreter) Secretary of State dear Tony Blinken, a warm welcome to Paris. This is your eighth visit here at the Quai d’Orsay, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as your mandate as Secretary of State come to an end. And like I said on the occasion of the meeting we just had, I’d like to tell you that you embodied the face of America in the way we like it: America, the service of which young Lafayette at the time decided to provide all of his support when he joined, at the age of 19, a vessel on his way to victory; the America that we celebrated as well in June to commemorate D-Day in Normandy; America, which thanks to its views and values and attachment to freedom, contributed to building, on the ashes of the Second World War, an international order based on the law. And I’d like to say that during this – all of this mandate that was yours, you’ve done a lot. You contributed a great deal to solving many international crises.
And I’d like to commend your action in the Middle East in particular – in Lebanon, where, thanks to our combined efforts, we managed to put an end to the hostilities with a ceasefire agreement that’s been implemented thanks to a Franco-American mechanism which is yielding results, given that Hizballah is being dissolved in the south of the country, and now it’s almost one-third of the Israeli forces who withdrew from the south of Lebanon. We joined our efforts to contribute or facilitate the election of a president. The vote will be taking place tomorrow, and we very much hope that a president will be elected in Lebanon so that Lebanon can continue with its institution in full place.
And we also work together to help Ukraine resist the Russian aggressor. And we agree that no solution can be found to this conflict without the Ukrainians. There can be no discussion regarding European security without the Europeans, and no solution can be found to this crisis if the solution were to be – not to be in the interests of Ukraine. So from a financial point of view, when it comes to the sanctions, for three years almost now we’ve been providing Ukraine with the support that it so much needed to preserve, to defend, its freedom, its territorial integrity, of course, but also at the same time to protect and defend the interests – the security interests – of Europe.
And beyond everything you did in the Middle East, for Ukraine, and in many other places, we talked together, for example, about Sudan where there is the worst ongoing humanitarian crisis at the moment. And we’re both extremely mobilized in this respect. But I could see you act, saw how much of a seasoned diplomat you are. You are very human, and you know – over these past years you knew how to act and what to do for peace and security to gain ground.
So thank you for all of this. Thank you for your actions. And like to commend as well the work undertaken by the American ambassador in Paris. She will soon be leaving Paris, but we’d like to thank her for everything she’s been doing. I wish you all the world, and this is not a farewell, it is simply an au revoir, and we’re only saying goodbye because I’m sure we’ll be seeing each other very time soon.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: (Via interpreter) Jean-Noel, allow me first on a personal basis – and on a professional basis as well – to tell you how deeply I appreciate our partnership, our friendship, and what we’ve been able to accomplish together. I am delighted that you will continue carrying the torch over the next months on these crucial issues for our two countries. I had a wonderful colleague with you, Jean-Noel. Thank you.
(In English) To the foreign minister, to President Macron, I also have to say how grateful I am for the extraordinary partnership that the United States and France have enjoyed these past four years that we’ve been in office – obviously a partnership, a fraternity, that goes back many, many years. I think it’s fitting that my last trip as Secretary of State brings me back to France. We know, both of us, that this is a world that we have to face together that is more complex, more competitive, more contested, than at any time in recent memory. But we have a shared determination – our two countries – to advance our shared interests and values, and to do it together. We have an enduring belief that this partnership is essential to trying to build a world that’s a little bit safer, a little bit more secure, a little bit more prosperous for the people in both of our countries and well beyond.
As Jean-Noel said, I think we’ve seen manifestations of that partnership and what it can produce in Lebanon. Together, France and the United States produced a ceasefire in Lebanon that is holding, that’s moving forward, and that is creating the possibility for a much different and much better future for the country as well as for its relationship with Israel. Together, we put together an oversight mechanism to address concerns about ceasefire violations, and it is working. Challenges remain, but so far the mechanism is functioning well and we’ve seen, as recently as yesterday now, the withdrawal of about more than a third of Israeli forces in Lebanon. I think the ceasefire can be a bridge to a durable peace that allows people on both sides of the border – Israel and Lebanon – to return to their homes, to return to their lives, and to move forward in greater peace and security.
In Syria – where Jean-Noel just made a very important visit along with our friend the German foreign minister, Annalena Baerbock – we see as well a genuine hope for the future after five decades of Assad regime that brutalized the Syrian people. Now they have an opportunity for a future that’s not under the thumb of a dictator, not under the thumb of a foreign power, not under the thumb of a terrorist group, a future in which a sovereign Syria respects the rights of all of its people, and the country’s not used as a base for terrorism or other bad things that we’ve seen affect people well beyond its borders. So there as well, France and the United States are fully united in what we want to see, what we expect, and the work we’re doing to help achieve that.
On Ukraine, as Jean-Noel said, France has been, from day one, one of the staunchest supporters of a free Ukraine, one that can resist and overcome the ongoing aggression that Russia is posing. Global support for Ukraine – that France and the United States have helped bring about together – is one of the strongest examples I’ve ever seen of burden-sharing. And we see that in particular in France’s leadership, from training more than 15,000 Ukrainian soldiers, to signing a bilateral security agreement with Ukraine earlier this year, to French firms boosting production to strengthen our transatlantic defense industrial base. I think in the months to come France’s leadership will be essential for ensuring that Ukraine has what it needs to be in the strongest possible position to defend its democratic independence, whether that’s on the battlefield or at the negotiating table.
One of the things that the foreign minister and I discussed is the fact that Ukraine is maybe the best example of a proposition that security in Europe is intertwined with security all around the world. If you look at what’s happening in Ukraine right now, what is allowing the Russian aggression to continue? Support from North Korea with artillery, with ammunition, and with troops; and everything that China’s doing to support Russia’s defense industrial base – the machine tools, the microelectronics, all flowing into Russia from China, from Hong Kong, that are allowing Russia to keep manufacturing weapons, munitions, and other things essential for its ongoing aggression.
So that’s just a demonstration of, increasingly, the indivisibility of security, the fact that actors far away from Ukraine, from Europe, are having a big impact on what is the biggest threat to European security since the end of the Cold War. In response, our two countries have worked to deepen Euro-Atlantic and Atlantic-Pacific convergence – notably, on the threat posed by the PRC to our shared security and to our shared values. We welcome France’s expanded engagement with Indo-Pacific partners and hope it will continue, including by strengthening, for example, freedom of navigation in the region.
We’ve also worked to forge together a common vision for the global economy, one that is governed by rules of the road. We’ve invested in our collective productive capacity. We’ve stood up against Chinese over-capacity and unfair trade practices. We’ve diversified our supply chains to reduce reliance on Beijing.
In these and so many other ways, this partnership between us is producing results – results that matter, that will make a difference in the lives of our people. And I’m convinced that in the years to come, our countries will continue to work together and to lead together on the world stage – not out of convenience, not out of charity, but because the challenges we face demand our engagement, demand our partnership, demand our cooperation. We’ll confront a changing world as we always have, guided by shared commitment to bring greater freedom, greater opportunity, greater security to the people that we’re entrusted to represent.
So for that, for the work that we’ve been able to do together, for the work I know our countries will continue to do together, let me simply say thank you, to share my gratitude and to share my conviction that when our countries are working in common cause to common effect, there really is nothing we can’t accomplish.
Thank you.
MODERATOR: (Via Interpreter) Ministers will take a few questions.
QUESTION: Thank you. Michael Birnbaum —
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Michael.
QUESTION: — from The Washington Post. Secretary Blinken, I wanted to – we’ve been on this trip with you. We first went to South Korea, where the former ally, President Yoon, is holed up, resisting arrest. We visited Tokyo where leaders are rather annoyed about the decision on blocking the purchase of U.S. Steel. We’re here in Paris where – apologies – but the far right is on the rise. The government is a little chaotic. And we’re going to Italy next, where the prime minister is close with Elon Musk.
So I wanted to ask – you’ve talked about your legacy. You’ve said that you’re handing over a set of alliances that’s in better shape than when you inherited it. But looking at this pattern, what would you tell the United States people about the challenged relationships that you’re facing.
A quick question about Greenland – what did you tell Minister Barrot about Trump’s interest in taking over European territory? How worried are you about a conflict between the United States and Europe on that front? And lastly – apologize – Elon Musk, what should U.S. allies make of his eagerness to support far-right leaders in Europe and around the world given his closeness to President-elect Trump and his global business interests?
And Minister Barrot, I just wanted to ask: What is France prepared to do to defend Greenland and Denmark if Trump continues to press forward in his attempt to takeover Greenlandic territory? Thank you.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Michael, thank you for covering the waterfront. Let me take these out of order. Greenland first – I think one of the basic propositions we’ve brought to our work over the last four years is that we’re stronger, we’re more effective, we get better results when we’re working closely with our allies, not saying or doing things that may alienate them. Having said that, it’s – the idea expressed about Greenland is obviously not a good one, but maybe more important, it’s obviously one that’s not going to happen, so we probably shouldn’t waste a lot of time talking about it.
On the question of where we are with all of our allies and partners, I’d say two things. First, as you’ve heard me say many times before, what President Biden entrusted me with doing from day one was to re-engage, re-energize, in some cases re-imagine these alliances and partnerships because he and we are convinced that, to do what we need to do to advance the interests of the American people, to actually solve this incredible multiplicity, complexity, interconnectedness of challenges that we face more than at any time in the 32 years I’ve been doing it, we’re so much better off working with others than going it alone. And I think in ways that we’ve just talked about, we’ve demonstrated how much more we can get done when we’re working closely with our allies and partners.
Now, most of the countries that we’re working closely with, our base – is our democratic base. That doesn’t mean that we’re not working with countries that don’t neatly fit our definition of what a democracy is. The challenges that we face demand that we work with any country that is interested in solving a problem, but we’re always starting with our base of fellow democracies.
And one of the hallmarks of a democracy – and we talked about this when we were in Korea – is that when we have challenges, when we have issues, including internally, what sets us apart is the fact that we engage them, we confront them, we deal with them directly, we deal with them openly, we deal with them transparently, we don’t pretend they don’t exist, we don’t sweep them under the rug. And sometimes that’s not particularly pleasant to look at. It can get ugly; it can be painful. But that’s exactly what we do. We talked in Korea about the fact that the Koreans are dealing with their own challenge right now pursuant to their constitution, pursuant to the rule of law, and doing it peacefully. And I fully expect that they will emerge stronger on the other side.
With Japan, do we have a difference over a particular business deal? Yes. But seen in the context of the fact that we are each other’s largest investors, one deal does not a relationship make. And on the contrary, the partnership, the alliance with Japan is stronger than it’s ever been, including economically.
Here in Europe – I talked about this already – the work that we’ve done together with our core allies and partners in support of Ukraine has been nothing short of historic and also the best example, as I said, of burden sharing that I’ve ever seen in my 32 years. So I could go down the list.
But maybe what’s most important is this. As we transition, as we work to hand off to the Trump administration, what I’ve been animated by these past couple of months is making sure we give them the strongest possible hand to play in dealing with all these challenges. The world doesn’t stop because we have a transition. There are so many things happening in real time that I want to make sure the administration that’s coming in is fully prepared to engage from day one, and that’s exactly what we’re doing and what we’ve been doing, and it’s why I’m continuing my work for these next however many days it is, right until noon on the 20th of January.
And I believe in area after area, we’re handing off in some cases things we haven’t been able to complete but that create real opportunities to move things forward in a better way. In the Middle East, we’re very close to a ceasefire and hostage agreement. We’ve talked about this too in recent days. I hope that we can get it over the line in the time that we have left, but if we don’t, then the plan that President Biden put forward for a ceasefire-hostage deal will be handed over to the incoming administration. And I believe that when we get that deal – and we’ll get it – it will be on the basis of the plan that President Biden put before the world back in May.
We’ve done an incredible amount of work of what follows a hostage-ceasefire agreement in terms of the necessary arrangements for Gaza’s security, its administration, its reconstruction – a day-after plan. We talked about this with the foreign minister as well. There too, we’re ready to hand that over to the administration so it can work on it and run with it when the opportunity is there.
And more broadly, the work, the investment we’ve made in transformative arrangements for the Middle East, starting with the normalization of relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel, all of that is ready to go if the opportunity presents itself with a ceasefire in Gaza as well as understandings on a pathway forward for the Palestinians. So there’s tremendous opportunity there.
Similarly, with Ukraine, everything we’ve done to make sure that Ukraine would survive – and not only survive, have an opportunity to thrive in the future – is ready to be carried forward. Putin tried to erase Ukraine from the map. He’s failed. He’s endured, I think, a heavier and heavier strategic setback in everything that he’s done in Ukraine. Now, we’re at a point in the coming year where it may be that the parties will choose to negotiate. We want to make sure – and I think we are making sure – that the incoming administration will be able, if it’s going to oversee such a negotiation, to make sure it’s doing it from position of strength and that President Trump could get the strongest possible deal.
I can go down the list, but the point is this. We’re handing over a lot of positive opportunities, initiatives, work, and if the next administration chooses to carry it forward, I think that will be clearly in the interests of the United States.
QUESTION: Musk.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Private citizens can – in our country can say what they want, what they believe, and everyone else can draw their own conclusions and take their own positions on the matter. So I’m not going to comment beyond saying he, like any American, has the right to express his views, his opinions.
FOREIGN MINISTER BARROT: (Via interpreter) As far as I’m concerned, first of all, let me tell you that the French Government is working the matter what you said, and regarding the French foreign policy, its line has been expressed once again very strongly by the president on Monday on the occasion of the meeting of the French ambassadors.
Second, the friendship in between France and the United States goes back more than two centuries ago. I mentioned Lafayette. I talked about D-Day, which Presidents Macron and Biden commemorated together. And I’d like simply to tell you that we survived some 59 American elections, and of course we’ll survive the 60th American election.
Then let me tell you about a year – and tell you that – remind you where we stand today, where more specifically Tony Blinken and myself are standing. This is exactly here in front of this chimney that some 75 years ago, almost to the day, Robert Schuman made a 90-second statement that launched the political institution on the origins of the European Union. That was on the 9th of May, 1950 – at the time the European organization for steel and coal.
So like Tony, I will put a question to you. Do we believe that the United States will take Greenland? (Laughter.) The answer is no, no invasion of Greenland. That being said, is – are we entering a period of time where the false is present everywhere? The answer is yes. If you look at what Europe has been doing in terms of competitiveness, and in many respect Europe has been strengthening up. We are expressing who we are, and like once again President Macron said on Monday, Europe has to wake up and continue to do so.
QUESTION: (Via interpreter) Good afternoon. A question from LCI to both of you. What do you make of these expansionist statements made by Donald Trump regarding Canada and Greenland? And could you – and second, what is the – what are the American guarantees to provide support to Ukraine beyond January?
SECRETARY BLINKEN: (Via interpreter) I can only repeat what I said a moment ago. Quite frankly, why are we dwelling on this question? It’s not going to happen, so let’s not waste time discussing it.
As far as American, U.S., support, what I can tell you is that during the Biden administration, we will continue providing our support to the Ukraine, including during the upcoming days. At the same time, we have an exceptional support from our partners. During the – some two years of the aggression of Russia against Ukraine, we’ve brought some $100 million to – of support to Ukraine. Our friends from Europe and outside, in Asia, have brought $150 million. So we know that our partner are doing what needs to be done, and I’m sure that they will continue to do so for the Ukraine.
MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Thank you, ministers. One more question.
QUESTION: Thank you so much. Alex Raufoglu from news agency Turan. Secretary, I want to take my chance and follow up on Ukraine again. President Zelenskyy gave an interview early this week, and he said that in his view there can be no meaningful security guarantees for Ukraine if the United States is not part of it. Do you think Europe alone can do it?
And Mr. Foreign Minister, same question, but differently: Given the incoming administration’s viewpoint, can you see there, being there, in a coalition of European countries that would be willing to provide guarantees to Ukraine which would be enough for lasting peace? And – or do you just think that willpower is not there? Is America still a key on this?
If I may very quickly follow up on concerns across the continent over Russian interference directly in the election processes in Europe, what can Europe do to bear – vaccinate, if you want – against that problem?
And finally, Mr. Secretary, final one goes to you on Georgia. President Macron this week backed protesters in Tbilisi, and he said that new elections could be a way out of the current political crisis. Already have taken some measures – sanctions – but want to give you a chance to expand on that. What – is there anything that the Western allies can do to save Georgia’s democracy? Thank you so much.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. Happy to start. On Ukraine, as we’ve been very clear, what we’ve all been working to do is to make sure that as Ukraine engages this year, 2025, it can engage it from a position of strength, whether that means continuing the fight because Russia refuses to stop or whether it means entering into a negotiation to get at least to a ceasefire and maybe beyond. And as I mentioned a moment ago, we’ll continue to the very last day of this administration to bring that support forward to Ukraine. I know that our partners will continue well beyond.
If there’s going to be a negotiation, if there’s going to be a ceasefire because we brought it to that point, I think it’s going to be critical. And I believe that the incoming administration will want to make sure that they negotiate the best possible deal. And the best possible deal has to be one that builds into it real deterrence against Russia repeating its aggression six months, a year, two years, you name it, because here’s what we know: Putin has not and will not give up on his imperial ambitions. And if there’s a ceasefire, he’ll want to try to use the time to rest, to refit, and eventually to re-attack. That’s why it’s absolutely essential that part of this include an effective deterrent against any further aggression by Russia.
Now, that can take different forms, including the form of having certain countries police any demarcation or any ceasefire line, and that’s something I know that’s been discussed and that we talked about today with the foreign minister. The next administration will have to decide, if it comes to that, what role, if any, the United States would play. But again, I believe that the incoming administration, if there’s going to be a deal, will want the best possible deal, one that doesn’t unravel when Russia sees an opening to re-attack. And one way or another, as I said, we need to build into it the necessary deterrence so that that doesn’t happen.
On Georgia, we talked about this as well. And what both France and the United States have seen is democratic backsliding that’s deeply concerning. And not just democratic backsliding, but a retreat away from the aspirations of the overwhelming majority of the Georgian people, the aspiration to build a future that is closer and closer to Europe.
So having seen that backsliding, having seen a government that’s acting in contravention of the clear will of the people that it purports to represent, having seen an election that raised many questions, having seen repressive actions taken by the government about people who are trying to speak freely and openly, we as well as our partners have taken action. We sanctioned the leader of the Georgian Dream party, Ivanishvili, as well as other members of the government. We suspended American assistance to the Georgian Government. Acting together with almost all of our partners in the OSCE, including France, we invoked the Vienna Mechanism through the OSCE to also make clear that the steps that have been taken, including legislation, that profoundly squeezes the space for freedom of expression and freedom of action by civil society – that has to change.
So I think you see a clear unity of purpose when it comes to the United States, France, many other countries faced with the very unfortunate actions of the government in Georgia.
FOREIGN MINISTER BARROT: (Via interpreter) You asked me about Ukraine first, and in this respect I would like to underline what Antony Blinken said. If – from day one we’ve been supporting Ukraine. If we said that we would support Ukraine as long as it takes and as much as it takes, it is first of all because it is a matter of the future of international law. If we were to accept Ukraine to capitulate, we would let – we would allow force to prevail. And it is a matter for security for the French people as well as for the Europeans.
And in this respect, we should show no complacency or certainly not be naive when it comes to the imperialistic views of Vladimir Putin, and I quote the word used by Tony Blinken in this respect. Why? Because since February 2022, the threat posed by Vladimir Putin has changed. We’ve seen that Putin’s Russia could launch a full-scale invasion just as they did in Ukraine. It became more international as well by exporting the conflict to Asia and by involving North Korea as well. And it became hybrid by getting into all fields of conflict and by attacking even members of the European Union.
So like Tony Blinken said, against all of that, our priority is of course to support Ukraine and allow Ukraine to, whenever they decide – choose to do so, to enter negotiation – negotiations with a strong hand, but also make sure that there is no return of the war on the European continent. It means that on our behalf, on behalf of all other Europeans, we need to step up our efforts in order to deter the threat from Russia, which is pushing towards the west.
Now, disinformation – very quickly – and interference in electoral processes, here, again, Europe’s been very clear. In 2022 at the time France was at the head of the European Union Council, we’d set some very clear rules to be applied to social networks. We applied the regulations on digital services, and I would like you to look at articles 34, 35 and 36, according to which social networks have to do what it takes to make sure that their discussions on the networks do not represent a new threat. They may have to pay fines up to 6 percent of their turnover, and it’s for the European Commission to make sure that these new European regulations are applying. I’m very much calling upon the commission to be extremely firm in this respect and very clear. Should the European Commission fail to do so, it would have to turn back to the European members the possibility of acting in their own name.
QUESTION: (Via interpreter) Mathieu Rabechault, Agence France-Presse. Türkiye is threatening the Kurdish fighters with a military operation. What can France do in this respect in order to protect them and contribute to stability in Syria?
Next, Mr. Minister, Mr. Musk will be joining the American administration in a few days, less than two weeks. He referred to Germany and the United Kingdom. Is this appropriate?
FOREIGN MINISTER BARROT: (Via interpreter) Well, one can always express their views, but when one is about to join an administration, comments have a specific weight. What you said, these comments are part of a communication process in the context of ongoing electoral campaigns in a number of countries, and this is regrettable. That also could be a reference to some sort of support to a number of far-right parties in Europe, including in Germany. And if so, one has to be extremely careful, given what the longstanding positions of the American Republican Party have been regarding the far right.
Now, France and the United States have been working hand in hand particularly for four years now to fight Islamic terrorism, including Daesh in Syria. And in this respect, in the presence of Tony Blinken, I would like to express France’s condolences to the victims of the terror attack that took place in New Orleans.
The Kurds in Syria, for both the United States and France, have been some reliable and resolute allies in the fight against Islamic terrorism. With the fall of the criminal and barbaric regime of Assad, there is now hope for Syria – some fragile hope, but genuine hope; the hope that there will be – that Syria will catch up from a political and economic as well as moral point of view, and that will only happen if all of the communities find a role to play in this respect. And of course, the Kurds of Syria shall have their role to play. We owe it to them. They’ve been our companions, they’ve been fighting together with us against Daesh, and it is a matter for the future of Syria – it is extremely important – that the Kurds can fully contribute to the future of their country.
And I would like to commend the efforts undertaken by Tony Blinken in order to facilitate and mediate in between the Kurds in Syria as well as Türkiye, and as well the Kurds in Syria and the authority of transition. There were discussions with General Mazloum only a few days ago. We’ll continue efforts to that effect so that in the northeast of Syria – let me remind you that there are thousands of terrorist prisoners kept by the Kurds of Syria. And want to make sure that, of course, Türkiye’s security guarantees, which are legitimate, can be met; but as well make sure that the security interests of the Kurds and their right to fully contribute to the future of their country can be preserved.
SECRETARY BLINKEN: I have very little to add, because I agree entirely with what Jean-Noel has just said. I simply say this: For both of our countries, it is essential as Syria is navigating this transition that we keep a lid on the terrorist threat – the enduring terrorist threat – posed by ISIS or by Daesh. And as Jean-Noel said, we’ve seen possibly a manifestation of that threat with the horrific incident in Louisiana, where the individual in question said he was an adherent of Daesh. It shows, unfortunately, the enduring potency of the ideology, but an even more acute danger would be if the more than 10,000 foreign terrorist fighters who are being detained under the vigilance of our Kurdish friends in Syria were to get out and reconstitute the very potent force that was Daesh in Syria, in Iraq, before it was defeated.
And this is an enduring American interest as well as a French interest. And it’s enduring as well, I believe, with the incoming administration. When Daesh was trying to build its caliphate, its actual physical caliphate, a territorial caliphate, it controlled a huge chunk of land between Iraq and Syria. And that caliphate was – that territorial caliphate was undone, was defeated. And that was completed under President Trump’s watch during his first term, with taking back Raqqa. So I believe that the incoming administration, like this administration, will continue to show a very strong interest in not allowing Daesh to rear its ugly head again, to see a resurgence. And, as Jean-Noel said, a critical part of that is making sure that we enable the Syrian Democratic Forces to do the job that they’ve been doing in the interests of everyone of securing the foreign terrorist fighters who are there as we continue to work to repatriate fighters and to repatriate their families to countries of origin.
So we’ve been working very closely as well with our ally, our partner, in Türkiye – which has very legitimate concerns of course about the PKK and about terrorism – to navigate this transition, to navigate it in a way that I think leads to a resolution of many of those concerns, including over time with the integration of the Syrian Democratic Forces into Syrian national forces, including with the departure of foreign members of that force to their own countries, including with a resolution of questions around oil, around borders, et cetera, but that’s a process that’s going to take some time.
And in the meantime, what is profoundly not in the interest of everything positive we see happening in Syria would be a conflict. And we’ve worked very hard to make sure that that doesn’t happen; we’ll continue to do that, and I believe that the incoming administration will do the same thing.
MODERATOR: (In French.)
SECRETARY BLINKEN: Merci.
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