January 06, 2025 Remarks of National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan A New Frontier for the U.S.-India Partnership The Indian Institute of Technology Delhi

January 06, 2025

Remarks of National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan A New Frontier for the U.S.-India Partnership

The Indian Institute of Technology Delhi

Good afternoon.  It’s great to be back in New Delhi.

And thank you, Eric, for that gracious introduction. President Biden has been lucky to have you here representing the United States.

I also want to thank everyone here at IIT Delhi for such a warm welcome.

***

In 1949, Prime Minister Nehru went on a now-famous tour of the United States.

His goal was to understand how new technologies and innovations could strengthen his then-young nation.

So for nearly a month, he traveled all across America. From businesses in New York and San Francisco, to family farms around Chicago and Madison, to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

And that visit at MIT helped inspire the establishment of India’s own IIT system, which not only ignited a new era of science and technology innovation for a new nation –

but also ignited a partnership in science and technology between the United States and India. 

Indeed, the United States was the first foreign partner to collaborate with India’s IITs, when nine leading U.S. universities helped build the Indo-American research program at IIT Kanpur.

Some years later, Prime Minister Nehru would observe – at an IIT convocation, in fact —something prescient for our own era.  He said, and I quote:

“the time has now come when the engineer plays an infinitely greater role than anybody else…because the major work of the country today deals with…engineering schemes of various types…and the administrator who is completely ignorant of engineering does not help much in administering.”

Something quite similar could of course be said today…about governments racing to keep pace with concurrent revolutions in artificial intelligence, biotechnology, space, quantum, and other fields.

So it is fitting in many ways that today, seven decades later and in this moment of technological transformation, India and the United States are taking our partnership to the next frontier—together.

And—if we can get it right—I believe this partnership will be the most consequential of the 21st century.

For both the United States and India, our partnership is key to our own growth — and jobs — at home …

It is critical for stability and security in the Indo-Pacific …

And, increasingly, it will bring prosperity to like-minded friends around the world, especially emerging economies.

And so, we are deeply invested in India’s success and, I believe, India in ours.

Over 1,000 American companies are operating in India.

Over $50 billion in foreign direct investment flowed into India from the United States, and Indian private sector investment in the United States recently surpassed that of China – investments that, by some estimates, are generating over 400,000 U.S. jobs.

And over 300,000 Indian students are studying in the United States. In fact, our international students come from India more than any other country in the world.

And for all our work together, in many ways, we’re just getting started.

When President Biden came into office, he made clear that America’s domestic strength and our international position were inherently linked. 

And that in an era of intense geopolitical competition, we needed to re-invest in our domestic industrial base and our innovation economy to strengthen our advantages abroad. 

But he was also clear that this approach was not one we could pursue on our own.  We would need to do it together with our allies and partners.

Because by building trusted supply chains, jointly investing in emerging technologies, and leveraging our respective advantages, we would all emerge in a stronger position.

There is nowhere we have proved the theory of that case more clearly than in the U.S.-India relationship.

Over the past four years, we’ve joined hands to halt a pandemic and bring vaccines to the world; we’ve launched initiatives on jet engines, semiconductors, and clean energy; and in a few months’ time, we will come together to put an Indian astronaut into space.  

These are remarkable achievements, and we made them by harnessing the remarkable innovation of the American and Indian people.

I had the chance to see some of that collaboration here at IIT Delhi just a few moments ago, when I met with some impressive young entrepreneurs who are designing everything from AI-enabled robotics to military-grade sensors…

…ventures that I’m proud to say are being supported by the United States through partnerships with New York University, the U.S. National Science Foundation, and the U.S. Space Force.

And that’s what I’d like to say more about today: How we’ve taken the U.S.-India partnership to a fundamentally new level over the last four years, with innovation at its core, and how that is playing out bilaterally, regionally, and globally.

***

First, we started by transforming our technology partnership.

When President Biden came into office, he knew that “Make in India” and “Made in America” are complementary, not incompatible, precepts.

That’s why, in 2022, our Administration launched the initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies with India.

The fundamental premise of iCET is that, in an era of renewed geopolitical competition, the United States and India must collaborate on the development, diffusion, and protection of critical technologies—from artificial intelligence to biotechnology, and beyond.

That is our responsibility as the world’s largest democracies. As two of the fastest-growing and largest economies. And as leading Indo-Pacific powers.

And—as we mark the second anniversary of iCET this month—we’ve proven just how impactful this deepened collaboration can be across both of our economies, and both of our innovation ecosystems.

Just look at Vikram Solar, which announced plans last year for a $1.5 billion investment in solar manufacturing here in the United States.

Or Bharat Forge, which in 2021 opened the first U.S. greenfield aluminum forging plant in over 15 years.

At the same time, U.S. companies looking for more resilience in both their markets and supply chains are shifting out of China and expanding to India.

Take, for example, Apple’s significant investment in Indian production. Within the next couple of years, over a quarter of all iPhones in the world will be made right here in India.

Or Ford’s recent expansion in Chennai—which will add thousands of jobs in Tamil Nadu.

And I want to take a moment to talk about our supply chains specifically.

The United States, India, and other partners have all been reminded—abruptly and sharply—that we cannot ignore the ways in which interdependencies can be weaponized against us.

We’ve seen countries lose access to critical minerals that support our clean energy and electronics industries.

We’ve seen companies struggling to compete against China’s predatory industrial strategies in chips, clean energy, and other emerging technologies.

And, of course, we’ve seen repeated attacks on industries tied to our critical infrastructure, which is heightening the risks not only of cyber espionage, but of destructive sabotage.

That’s why—as we launched iCET—both President Biden and Prime Minister Modi made it a priority to invest in national programs that are spurring production in sectors that had become overly reliant on China.

These include the U.S. CHIPS and Science Act, the India Semiconductor Mission, and India’s Production-Linked Incentive program in areas such as biopharmaceuticals.

The benefits of those programs are already flowing to both of our countries.

Micron was the first, not just American, but first global company to partner with India’s Semiconductor Mission, investing hundreds of millions of dollars in new semi-conductor packaging facilities that will establish India as a new hub in the global chip ecosystem.

India and the United States have joined hands with Japan, the ROK, and Europe to establish a new Biopharmaceutical Supply Chain Consortium—the “Bio-5”—that will reduce dependence on single-source suppliers supply chains.

We are poised to expand these efforts into new sectors—most notably, commercial space exploration.  In fact, as we speak, U.S. companies are providing support for a SpaDeX [Spay-Dex] satellite docking experiment that will enable new Indian missions to the moon.    

And as a result of new updates to our missile technology control export policies that President Biden signed out just last week—and which I’m glad to announce publicly for the first time today—our commercial and civil space partnership is set for lift off.

***

Second, as we’ve strengthened our technology partnership—we started delivering for the Indo-Pacific region  as well.  

Take, for example, the U.S.-India defense partnership.  The growth of our defense partnership over the past two decades has been nothing short of remarkable.

Just consider, twenty-five years ago, the United States and India had no defense trade relationship at all.

No frameworks for information sharing or logistics cooperation.

No major military exercises to train alongside each other.

Today, the United States is not just selling defense systems to India. We are making them here in India. And the United States has become the top destination for Indian defense exports.

We launched a first-of-its kind defense initiative—INDUS X—that is awarding American and Indian start-ups the funding to more rapidly bring new technologies forward to our militaries.

On top of this—in the past two years alone—the Biden administration has approved technology proposals that would enable India to become the first global producer of Stryker combat vehicles, a leading producer of advanced munitions systems, and the first foreign producer of cutting-edge maritime systems.

We announced a ground-breaking initiative to enable India to manufacture jet engines that will power India’s future indigenous fighter fleet.

And even more work is underway – in aviation, sensing, undersea — that will come to fruition soon.

So many of these initiatives have the potential to extend beyond the United States and India, to eventually help countries across the Indo-Pacific region upgrade their defensive capabilities as well.

Because that’s another goal that unites us: to ensure a more free, more secure, more prosperous, and more resilient Indo-Pacific region.

And stronger U.S. and Indian defense cooperation is already enabling security across the region.

Through the multinational Combined Maritime Forces Coalition—of which India is now a full-time member—we are combatting piracy and trafficking at sea.

Through Exercise Malabar, the United States, India, Australia, and Japan are training to more rapidly respond to natural disasters across the Indo-Pacific.

And through historic agreements that allow U.S. Navy vessels to seek repair and maintenance in Indian shipyards in Kochi, Mumbai, and soon Chennai, the United States can more readily train and operate with countries across the Indian Ocean region.

At a time when we’re seeing dangerous provocations in the air and at sea—

The proliferation of destabilizing technologies—

And countries attempting to change the status quo by force—

Our cooperation—in technology, in defense, and beyond—is a pillar of stability in the Indo-Pacific.

***

And frankly, it goes beyond the Indo-Pacific. Which brings me to the third area: delivering for the world.

Nowhere is this more evident than clean and affordable technologies.

The U.S. Development Finance Corporation is engaged in path-breaking partnerships with Indian companies to localize and scale solar manufacturing. 

This includes investing nearly $1 billion in solar panel manufacturing in Tamil Nadu, and providing support for leading Indian manufacturers, like Tata Power Renewables. 

And in the past year, we concluded a new initiative on clean energy supply chains that lays out a path for our countries to deploy clean energy across Africa and to work with African partners on high-impact solar and electric vehicle projects.

And we’re not stopping with clean energy. Our technology partnership is delivering affordable public goods in numerous ways.

That is why we launched a new U.S.-India Global Digital Development Partnership that will leverage both government and private sector resources to deploy safe and responsible digital technologies with like-minded partners around the world.

And through the Quad, we announced plans to deliver Open RAN technology, AI-driven agricultural solutions, and cutting-edge satellite data to developing economies.

And at the G20 in Delhi in September of 2023, we announced the launch of the India-Middle East Economic Corridor, an ambitious initiative linking India, the Middle East and Europe with a sea-and-rail corridor and fiber and energy connections. 

That was just a few weeks before October 7.  But we have continued to nurture the vision, and I have personally engaged the key countries and key leaders to keep making progress. 

I have also talked to the incoming administration about the enormous opportunity to deliver growth and integration – and a high-standard alternative to what Beijing is offering.

The bottom line of all of these efforts is that the potential of this partnership is boundless.

***

But I hasten to add: it is not inevitable.

Over the years, people have referred to the United States and India as “natural” partners.

And in many ways, that’s true. Our democracies our linked. Our companies are linked. Our universities are linked. And more than anything else, our people our linked.

But the U.S.-India partnership that we have built together is not one that just naturally sprang into existence.  All of our linkages have been necessary, but at the same time, insufficient.

The partnership we have built is one of intention, of choice. One of determination, of leadership. And, frankly, one of perseverance and grit.

Look at the U.S.-India Civil Nuclear Agreement concluded by President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, may he rest in peace.

Or India’s designation as a Major Defense Partner of the United States in 2016.

Or President Biden and Prime Minister Modi’s decision to manufacture advanced jet engine technology and explore space together.

None of these were “natural” occurrences.

Step-by-step we have worked to build trust. To build habits of cooperation. And to move our partnership past what Prime Minister Modi has called our “hesitations of history.”

Which brings me to another historic step forward on that journey.

Although former President Bush and former Prime Minister Singh laid out a vision of civil-nuclear cooperation twenty years ago, we have yet to fully realize it.

But as we work to build clean energy technologies, to enable growth in artificial intelligence, and to help U.S. and Indian energy companies unlock their innovation potential, the Biden administration determined it was time to take the next major step in cementing this partnership.

So today I can announce that the United States is now finalizing the necessary steps to remove longstanding regulations that have prevented civil nuclear cooperation between India’s leading nuclear entities and U.S. companies.

This is a statement of confidence in the progress we have made—and will continue to make—as strategic partners, and as countries who share a commitment to peaceful nuclear cooperation. 

And it is the result of India’s open and transparent engagement with our Administration over the course of the past four years, which has enabled this new chapter to move forward.

Of course, none of this has been easy.

We’ve both had to navigate our share of turbulence. Legacy relationships. Tensions over trade, as well as human rights and rule of law, at home and abroad.

But we have navigated these issues together, with our eye on the long game. And our ability to do so reflects the deep and enduring resilience between the United States and India—across generations, across administrations, and “across the aisle.”

***

This leads to my parting thoughts: where do we go from here?

I am deeply proud of the work the United States and India have done together under iCET to shape the technologies of the future. And I’m proud that we are passing the baton off the next Administration in an even stronger position.

But there is still much more to be done.

Looking forward, it will not be enough for the United States and India to simply collaborate in building the critical technologies of the future.

We also need to work together to shape the diffusion, protection, and rules that govern those technologies.

We have already begun this work in domains such as space, where India’s decision to join the Artemis Accords is allowing us to establish a common set of principles around civilian space exploration.

We will need to continue to drive similar efforts in other spheres, such as the employment of artificial intelligence and advanced biotechnologies—both of which will have enormous consequences in every facet of life.

As we see more and more new technologies diverted to unfriendly actors, theUnited States and India will also need to ensure that valuable dual-use technologies don’t fall into the wrong hands.

This means aligning our export control systems. Looking at trade measures to protect our industrial strategies against overcapacity. Better securing our supply chains. And reviewing outbound and inbound investments in sensitive sectors.

As we take these steps, we need to expand the work we’re doing to leverage American and Indian innovation to help the world – especially emerging economies – to enable equitable growth across the globe.

And finally, our partnership can be most effectively sustained – and can only reach its full potential – if we each live up to the values that lie at the core of our democracies.  Respect for the rule of law that creates the conditions for dynamic growth. Respect for pluralism and tolerance that powers innovation.  And the protection of basic freedoms that unleash the human spirit. 

I say this not as a skeptic, but as someone who fully believes the United States and India can realize those aspirations.  These are basic truths about how our democracies will grow and flourish.

***

So let me close with this.

This is likely the last trip overseas I will lead as National Security Advisor.

And I cannot think of a better way to end my tenure in the White House–visiting India on my final overseas visit to mark the advances we have made together over the past four years: this is a shared and historic achievement, and a cornerstone of the Biden administration’s foreign policy legacy.

We’ve had to deal with challenging moments.  We’ve had to work to resolve difficult issues.

But being here at IIT Delhi with the young technologists and entrepreneurs and policymakers who will take this generational project forward,

I have every reason to be believe that within the next decade we’ll see:

American and Indian firms working together to build the next generation of semi-conductor technologies.

American and Indian astronauts conducting cutting-edge research and space exploration together.

American and Indian researchers contributing to a new explosion in lifesaving vaccines.

American and Indian engineering students developing new innovations together right here at IIT Delhi.

And American and Indian leaders propelling our partnership – and our future – toward what the American statesman-scientist Vannevar Bush called “the endless frontier” that we haven’t yet imagined.

Thank you again for having me here.  I cannot wait to see what all of you, and so many other young people across our nations, achieve in the years ahead.