IGNORING HISTORY AND
SNUBBING LAW, DUTCH PARLIAMENT RECOGNIZES “ARMENIAN GENOCIDE”
By
Ferruh DEMİRMEN, Ph.D.
Diplomatic Observer – March 2018
The lower House of
Representatives (Tweede Kamer) of the Netherlands approved a motion on February 22nd to recognize “Armenian genocide”
relating to the 1915 events in Ottoman Anatolia. The decision was taken
ostensibly for “moral reasons.”
Considering the solemnity
of their decision, one would think that the morally motivated Dutch parliamentarians
would have taken time to debate the issue. But that, evidently, was not the
case. The parliamentarians officially took only 6 days to reach their decision.
Solid
support
The vote on the motion in
the 150-member parliament was 142 in favor and 3 against. So, the support for
the motion was overwhelming. Both the ruling and opposition parties backed the
motion. The three nay votes came from the Denk (“Turkish”) party.
Comparing the voting with
that in the Bundestag, where the “Armenian genocide” motion was approved in
2016 with 153 in favor, 1 against, and 1 abstention, but with only 156 members
out of total 640 participating in voting, the relative support for the genocide
motion in the Dutch Parliament was far greater than that in the German
Parliament.
Likewise, when the French
lawmakers adopted “Armenian genocide” in 2011, the relative support both in
the National Assembly and the Senate was much lower.
Why, then, such strong
pro- Armenian, anti-Turkish sentiment in the Dutch Parliament? It is most
likely that such sentiment stems
from the country’s turn to a relatively conservative
mindset in reaction to extremist Islam activities in Europe in recent years
(e.g., the growing popularity of the anti- Islam, anti-immigrant Dutch politician
Geert Wilders). Traditionally, Dutch people are known for their tolerant and
liberal outlook.
The Turk-bashing frenzy of recognizing the “Armenian
genocide” in the Austrian, Luxembourg, German and Czech parliaments recently
may have also influenced the Dutch vote.
Whether and to what extent the currently highly
strained relations between Turkey and the Netherlands, and the unfortunate
“Fascists, Nazi remnants” epithet directed at the Dutch, had a role, is a
matter of speculation.
Whatever the reason, however, Dutch politicians should
know that recognizing the “Armenian genocide,” amounts to a pronouncement that
the Ottoman Turks were guilty of a heinous crime, and is a pretty serious
undertaking. The Armenian question is a complex historical issue with
underlying legal ramifications. How conscious or knowledgeable were the Dutch
politicians vis-à-vis their solemn responsibility? Not much, it appears.
Sidelining
history
Regarding history, did
the Dutch politicians know that the “Armenian genocide” is baseless because
the Ottoman government had no intent to harm the Armenian refugees during the
1915 Relocation, that the event was merely an inter-communal strife, that the
so-called “Andonian files” and the infamous “Hitler Quote” are fakes, that
“Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story” lacks credibility, that the claimed killing of
1.5 million Armenian refuges by Ottoman Turks is an obscene exaggeration, and
that the Armenian narrative of the 1915 events shamelessly ignores the massacre
of more than half a million civilian Muslim (and Jewish) victims at the hands
of Armenian revolutionaries during 1910-1922?
What about the 1923
Manifesto of Hovannes Katchznouni and the 1919-1921 Malta Tribunal? – two
topics the genocide proponents diligently avoid?
We can also safely assume
that the Dutch politicians knew nothing about the Algemeen Handelsblad article
of May 25th, 1920, where the war correspondent, in alluding to the
inter-communal warfare ravishing Anatolia, and observing that “there are two
sides to every truth” describes how the stories coming from the war zone are
twisted the West in favor of the Armenians due to religious
prejudice, and how he witnessed “Turkish settlements … killed down to the last
man … in a bestial form.”
Snubbing law
But the “Armenian genocide” allegations are not just
about history. In rushing to judgment, Dutch parliamentarians have ignored the
1948 UN Convention on Genocide, with its stipulation that the crime of genocide
can only be established by a competent court.
There is no court verdict on the “Armenian genocide.”
None.
The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), in its 2013
and 2015 rulings on the Switzerland v. Perinçek case, and France’s Constitutional
Council, in its January 2016 decision, recalled the controversial aspect of
“Armenian genocide,” making a distinction between the Armenian claims and the
court-proven Holocaust, and underlining that parliaments - and governments,
municipalities, etc. – have no authority to pass judgment on the crime of
genocide.
The International Court of Justice (ICJ) also reminded
us, in its 2015 Croatian v. Serbia decision, that for a violation to be called
genocide, there must be specific intent (dolus specialis). Mere harm or killing
cannot be called genocide. The specific intent factor cannot be proven for the
1915 events in Anatolia. What can be proven, in fact, is just the opposite.
Given these facts, one must ask: What led the erudite
Dutch parliamentarians to ignore these judicial rulings in their rush to
judgment? Politicians can perhaps be forgiven for their ignorance of history.
But what about the legal underpinnings?
It is bitterly ironic that the Dutch politician Joel
Voordewind, who introduced the genocide motion in the parliament, and who,
boasting, “Our country houses the capital of international law after all,”
played the guardian-angel of law, sadly deserted all pretenses of deference to
law when the right moment came. Yes, the ICJ is in The Hague, and the
Strasbourg-based ECHR is not far away.
Dutch parliamentarians should also ponder why the
Armenian side, instead of peddling its genocide claims incessantly, does not
take its case to a tribunal of law. What is the Armenian side afraid of?
Archival evidence?
Hypocrisy
The Dutch Parliament’s
vote also brought forth hypocrisy on the part of the Dutch government. Well
aware of the judicial imperatives, the Dutch government ostensibly took the
high ground and declared that the parliament’s decision is not binding on the
government, and that it would not formally recognize “genocide.” “The government would show restraint,” said a Foreign
Ministry spokesperson.
How convenient. Are we to assume that the executive and
legislative branches in the Netherlands do not speak to each other? Do they
live on different planets?
Certainly there must have been talks between the two
branches before the parliamentary vote, and the government knew what was to
transpire. After all, the PM Mark Rutte’s own party in the parliament,
People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), fully supported the genocide
motion.
Interestingly, the German government took the same
“not me” posture when the Bundestag recognized the “Armenian genocide.” When
it comes to the Armenian question, evidently there is no shortage of
hypocrisy.
And given his posture when he visited Bosnia in June
2015, Pope Francis, the paragon of rectitude, is no exception.
The Dutch government also made it known that as per the
supplementary motion adopted by parliament, a high-level official would attend
Armenia’s genocide remembrance day on April 24th. It dutifully added, however,
that this attendance should not be taken as recognition of “Armenian
genocide.”
How sincere is such statement? Certainly, a visit like
this would mean tacit recognition of “Armenian genocide.”
Conclusion
With history far from
their forte, and with a cavalier attitude towards the law, in recognizing
“Armenian genocide” the Dutch parliamentarians, like their other European
colleagues before them, failed dismally in embracing justice and fairness.
Have these politicians
ever given consideration how their action, vilifying Turks, would impact the
485,000 people of Turkish origin in the Netherlands?
And have they given any
thought to Armenian JCAG/ASALA terrorism that took the lives of more than 70
innocent people including 40 Turkish diplomats in the 1970s through 1990s?
Three of these terror acts took place on Dutch soil.
The allegation of
“Armenian genocide” has no historical and legal basis, and the recognition
granted to such allegation is no more than the product of Armenian propaganda
driven by ethnic and religious prejudice, even hatred, feeding on anti-Turkish,
anti-Islam rhetoric.
Is it a mere coincidence
that the chief champion of the genocide motion in the Dutch parliament, Mr.
Voordewind, is a member of the Christian Union party (CU), an evangelical Protestant
group that bases its policies on Bible? Can one say religion has played no role
in the parliament’s voting?
After all, when the
Armenian side pushes for recognition of “genocide”, it never fails to mention
that Armenians were the “First Christian Nation.”
The Dutch politicians
should have also been more prudent when they voted on the genocide resolution.
It brought back the memories of the Srebrenica massacres in 1995 as a Dutch
battalion under UN command stood by passively. The Srebrenica massacres have
been officially designated genocide.
What should Turkey do
about such unfounded charges? A good start, it appears, is to take the
“genocide” resolutions to the UN or ECHR and seek their annulment.
An effective campaign to
educate the domestic and foreign public, followed by the construction of a
memorial, perhaps in the city of Van, dedicated to the memory of more than half
a million Muslims that perished at the hands of Armenian revolutionaries
during the WWI era, should be the next step.
And finally, if the Dutch
parliamentarians had a genuine concern for humanity, they could have remembered
the Khojaly massacre on its 26th anniversary. Committed by Armenian armed
forces in 1992, the event was a modern-day pogrom and ethnic cleansing of
horrific cruelty, resulting in the killing of at least 613 Azeri civilians,
including 106 women and 63 children. n
39
2018
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