Nation vs. Revolution in Iran
by Shireen Hunter February 10, 2016
The Implementation
of Iran’s nuclear agreement with the P5+1, known as the Joint Comprehensive
Plan of Action (JCPOA), has not yet been completed, but critical statements by
its detractors in Iran about its ineffectiveness have already began. For
example, recently Gholam-Ali Haddad-Adel, a former speaker of the Parliament
and an adviser to Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei, said that so far the JCPOA
had not had a single positive impact. Others have taken President Hassan
Rouhani to task for not yet improving the Iranian economy after the nuclear
deal. Some have launched attacks on the Rouhani government’s efforts to enlist
European participation in Iran’s development projects.
A particular target
of attack has been Iran’s desire to buy a number of Airbus planes as part of
its efforts to refurbish its aging fleet of passenger planes. Sardar Naghdi, a
firebrand hardliner and the commander of the Basij, has chided the president
that buying Airbus planes will not solve Iran’s problems of economic recession
and unemployment. Needless to say, Naghdi would have preferred that a good part
of Iran’s unfrozen assets go to the Basij. In the past, opposing Rouhani’s
economic outlook and asking for a “resistance and jihadi economy,” he had said
that if provided with adequate resources, his volunteer militia could solve
Iran’s problems of economic deprivation and unemployment.
Earlier, the
Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (of which the Basij are part) contributed to
undermining Rouhani’s policies by arresting a group of US sailors and, even
worse, by showing them kneeling in front of the Iranian military. No one can
dispute Iran’s right to defend its territorial waters. However, the US sailors
could have been warned off—or, even better, politely escorted from Iranian
waters—instead of being arrested and displayed in the public media. Their
arrest was a calculated act to embarrass the Rouhani government even as it has
been trying hard to show a softer image of Iran. The IRGC knows well that such
acts exacerbate anti-Iran sentiments in the West and leads American politicians
in particular to say harsh things about Iran. The hardliners can then use these
statements to show that the US continues its hostile policy toward Iran. Nor
did the episode with the American sailors end with their release. Instead,
Ayatollah Khamenei decorated their captors, an act accompanied by exhortations
that the anti-imperialist struggle will never end.
At first glance,
these acts might appear to be mere random mistakes that represent at natural
political rivalries. However, a closer look at the pattern of their repetition
over the last 30 years reveals a more fundamental fault-line in Iran, namely
the incongruence of the country’s national and revolutionary aspirations.
Against the Nation
Sadly for Iran, the
Islamic revolution has always had an anti-national dimension. For the
Islamists, especially Ayatollah Khomeini, what was important was Islam and not
Iran. This became crystal clear upon his return to Iran. When asked what he was
feeling about returning to his homeland, he said “absolutely nothing.” For the
leftist elements, the search for socialist utopia and the anti-imperialist
(read anti-American) struggle were the key priorities. Most revolutions have
such conflicts between their local and more universal aspirations, especially
at their early stages. After a while the requirements of national survival and
advancement prevail over universalist goals. But in Iran’s case this dichotomy
still persists, and revolutionary aspirations often trump national interest.
Periodically over the last 30 years, when external circumstances have posed
serious threats to national survival, the revolutionary goals have been
relegated to the second place. As soon as the immediate threat has passed, the
previous pattern returns.
When Rouhani came
to power, the nuclear issue was hanging over Iran’s head like a sword of
Damocles. Therefore he was given license to pursue a solution. Now that the
hardliners feel that the immediate threat has passed, they are back to their
old tricks.
More fundamentally,
there is a dichotomy between the interests of nizam—the “system”—and
that of Iran as a country and people. This was evident from the beginning of
the revolution. The very fact of creating a separate military in the form of a
revolutionary guard whose sole goal is to protect the revolution and the system
attests to this reality. Never in Iran’s very long history, and despite its
occupation by foreign forces, had there existed two rival militaries.
Iran’s national
interests require that it maintain good or reasonable relations with all those
countries which are willing to reciprocate. It requires that Iran’s energies be
spent in making a better life for its people. It requires that Iran not spend
its forces in pursuit of goals beyond its reach or pursue goals that earn it
the enmity of others without gaining the friendship of any. The best example of
such a goal is Iran’s stand on the Palestinian issue, which has been at the
root of all its problems, including economic sanctions. Iran has earned the
unrelenting hostility of Israel without obtaining the friendship of Arabs. Even
the Palestinians, for whose sake Iran has spent so much of its resources, just
recently sided with Saudi Arabia in its dispute with Iran. Iraq, too, voted
against Iran in the Arab league, and both Iraq and Bashar al-Assad’s Syria have
supported the United Arab Emirates in its dispute with Iran over the three
islands in the Persian Gulf.
Stuck in the Past
The material and
emotional interests of the hardliners are at stake in this juxtaposition of
Iran’s national interests and the interests of the revolution and the system
that embodies it. Moreover, the hardliners have remained unchanged while Iran
and the world have moved on. Iran’s hardliners are still stuck in the 1980s.
They still talk of holy war and holy defense and the martyrs and the sayings of
Ayatollah Khomeini. They still see the world through the prism of the Cold War
and the leftist clichés of the 1960s. They are still obsessed with the Pahlavis
without realizing that at least half of Iran’s population has no memory of life
under the Shah. All they know is the Islamic system and its shortcomings. The
hardliners are thus yearning for the relatively more simple times when people
could be lured with mere slogans.
But Iran has
changed. Its population is more educated and informed. Most importantly it has
experienced life under an Islamic system and knows its drawbacks and has no
illusions about its promises. The world has also changed. The post-Cold War era
is more complex with no overarching paradigm to guide states, whereas Iran’s
hardliners are still operating under the Cold War paradigm and anti-Imperialist
struggle and become frustrated when they see that others don’t see the world as
they do.
Therefore, whatever
the outcome of the upcoming parliamentary elections and regardless of how
valiantly the Rouhani government tries to remedy the country’s problems, Iran
cannot hope to achieve a national revival economically or otherwise until and
unless it stops being a revolution. At this juncture, it would be wise for the hardliners
to remember that without a strong and prosperous Iran they themselves will
cease to exist.
Photo: Sardar
Naghdi
About the Author
Shireen T. Hunter is a Research
Professor at Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service. Her latest book
is Iran Divided: Historic Roots of Iranian Debates on Identity, Culture, and
Governance in the 21st Century (Rowman & Littlefield, 2014).
a relevant analysis of the inconsistencies in Iran.
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