Wednesday, November 20, 2024

The United States Announces Significant New Military Assistance for Ukraine Press Statement November 20, 2024

 

The United States Announces Significant New Military Assistance for Ukraine

Press Statement

November 20, 2024


As part of the surge in security assistance that President Biden announced on September 26, the United States is providing another significant package of urgently needed weapons and equipment to our Ukrainian partners as they defend against Russia’s ongoing attacks.  This additional assistance, provided under previously exercised Presidential Drawdown Authority from Department of Defense stocks, is valued at $275 million.  It includes ammunition for High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems (HIMARS); 155mm and 105mm artillery ammunition; 81mm and 60mm mortar rounds; Electrical equipment for F-16 support; Tube-launched, Optically-tracked, Wire-guided (TOW) missiles; Javelin and AT-4 anti-armor systems; Unmanned Aerial Systems (UAS); Chemical, Biological, Radiological, Nuclear (CBRN) protective equipment; non-persistent anti-personnel landmines; Small arms and training equipment; Demolitions equipment and munitions; and spare parts, ancillary equipment, services, training, and transportation.

We will continue to provide Ukraine the support it needs to succeed on the battlefield and prevail in its defense against Russia’s aggression. 


The Great Appeasement Ian Bremmer November 21,, 2024

 The Great Appeasement 

Ian Bremmer<ian@gzeromedia.com>

November 21,, 2024 

GZero Daily by Ian Bremmer Newsletter

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Dear Onder,


This week, I explain why foreign leaders are already falling in line behind Donald Trump, break down the global aging crisis, and answer your questions on escalation risks in the Ukraine war, Trump’s deportation plans, and the sentencing of Hong Kong’s pro-democracy leaders. Plus, your weekly rec from my dog Moose.


Before we get to it, heads up that this newsletter will be off next week for Thanksgiving. I’ll be back in your inbox on Dec. 4.


How world leaders are preparing for Trump’s return


The global response to Donald Trump’s imminent return to power has been nothing short of remarkable.


From Israel's Benjamin Netanyahu hinting at a potential Lebanon cease-fire as a "gift" to the president-elect, to Ukraine's Volodymyr Zelensky saying the war will “end faster” under the incoming administration, to European and Asian leaders expressing Stockholm syndrome-levels of excitement to work with him, foreign leaders have been lining up to kiss the president-elect’s ring since his election victory two weeks ago.


To be sure, most US allies and adversaries still dislike and mistrust Trump. But with memories of the clashes, chaos, and unpredictability of his first term still fresh, they know that they get crosswise with Trump at their own peril. The president-elect still believes America is being taken for a ride, values are something other countries use to constrain US power, and allies are only as good as the money they spend on US goods and protection. And Trump is willing to flex Washington’s full military and economic muscle – whether in the form of high tariffs or the withdrawal of US security support – to extract gains from other nations.


World leaders are accordingly doing everything they can to avoid becoming a target of his wrath, using flattery and favor to appeal to Trump’s ego and transactional nature in the hopes of getting in his good graces. After all, they know Trump is nothing if not willing to sit down with anyone – whether a longstanding democratic ally or a brutal dictator – to try to cut a deal that makes him look good at home.


The upshot is that at least in the early days of his presidency, Donald Trump is poised to rack up far more foreign policy wins than many people appreciate. Not because he’s a “stable genius” or a particularly gifted negotiator, but because he’ll be running the world’s largest economy and most powerful military, with leverage over virtually every country and less aversion to wielding it than any US president that came before him.


But that’s table stakes for Trump. There are three reasons why his ability to get concessions from other countries and put points on the board early on will be greater than during his first term.


First, Trump is no longer isolated, with a growing number of world leaders eager to welcome him to the international arena. Eight years ago, the president-elect was an outlier, with few true friends on the global stage apart from Netanyahu, Gulf leaders, Hungary’s Viktor Orban, Japan’s Shinzo Abe, India’s Narendra Modi, and a handful of others. But things have changed since.


Italy's Giorgia Meloni, currently the most popular G7 leader, shares Trump's views on immigration, social policy, and economic nationalism. Argentina’s Javier Milei, the chainsaw-wielding “Trump of the Pampas,” was the first foreign leader to meet with him after the election. In Canada, the Conservative Party's Pierre Poilievre is poised to replace Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, promising a much more Trump-aligned relationship. Germany’s Olaf Scholz will likewise soon be replaced, probably by the opposition conservative Christian Democrat leader Friedrich Merz, a wealthy former businessman who is ideologically closer to the incoming American president. South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol is strategically positioning himself to become the new Shinzo Abe, going as far as taking up golf again to establish a closer relationship with Trump. The list goes on.


Trump is no more a fan of multilateralism than he was eight years ago. He remains mistrustful of alliances and indifferent to other countries’ values and political systems. But whenever he attends gatherings of the G7, G20, and NATO now, the president-elect will at least be surrounded by like-minded leaders who will be much more receptive to his “America First” agenda and inclined to play by his rules.


Second, the world is much more dangerous than it was in 2017, raising the stakes of misalignment with Trump. Major wars raging in Europe and the Middle East, heightened US-China tensions, and a more fragile global economy make the costs of being on the wrong side of the president-elect exponentially higher than they were during Trump’s first term.


And third, Trump’s domestic political power is significantly more consolidated this time around. The president-elect has unified control of Congress and a pliant Republican Party, knows his way around Washington, DC, and is surrounding himself with far more ideologically aligned loyalists than in his first term. Gone are the institutionalist career staffers and establishment Republicans who often checked Trump’s most disruptive impulses. For world leaders, this means alternative backchannels to get around the president-elect’s foreign policy preferences won’t be nearly as available or effective. Whether or not they like it, it’s Trump’s way or the highway now.


It’s no wonder that we’re seeing so many countries preemptively bend the knee, desperate to find common ground with Trump before he takes office. China, for instance, is floating potential concessions to avert an economically destabilizing trade war, from organizing a Ukraine peace conference to buying US Treasuries and increasing purchases of American goods. Iran granted a meeting to Trump advisor-extraordinaire Elon Musk in an apparent effort to facilitate a de-escalatory deal. Taiwan’s leadership is planning a massive new American arms purchase offer to show Trump they’re serious about paying more for US protection. Meanwhile, Ukraine is not only expressing readiness to negotiate a cease-fire but is also weighing several sweeteners – including potential business deals, access to the country’s natural resources, and Ukrainian troop deployments to replace US forces in Europe after the war – to convince Trump that continued US support is in his personal and political interests.


None of this means that every effort to appease Trump will succeed, or that Trump’s mere presence in the White House will end every war, de-escalate every conflict, and resolve every disagreement. If history is any guide, most attempts to strike a lasting deal with the president-elect will fail. In the long run, his approach will erode America’s influence on the global stage, deepen the G-Zero vacuum of leadership, and make the world a more dangerous place.


In the near term, however, Trump’s penchant for bilateral deal-making, disregard for longstanding American norms and values, reputation for unpredictability, and unrestrained leadership of the world’s sole superpower will increase the odds of improbable breakthroughs.


Welcome to Trump’s international honeymoon – it may not last long, but at least nobody’s having any fun.


_________


🔔 Be sure to subscribe to GZERO Daily to get the world's best global politics newsletter every day on top of my weekly email. Did I mention it's free?

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Can governments boost birth rates?

The world is quietly being reshaped by a demographic time bomb: Birthrates are plummeting, and the global population is rapidly aging. By 2050, one in six people will be over 65. While the overall population is still increasing, driven by growth in developing countries like Nigeria and Pakistan, experts predict it will peak in about 60 years.


The shift to depopulation will have huge implications for the future of work, healthcare, and retirement. Governments around the world are using different strategies to encourage people to have more kids. In East Asia, where the population crisis is most severe, countries like Japan and South Korea have tried tax incentives, expanded parental leave, subsidized child care, and even matchmaking. But nothing seems to be working.


Is a slow-moving crisis inevitable? Or, instead of turning back the demographic clock, is it time to start rethinking the future of aging?


Watch me explain here and catch the full episode of “GZERO World with Ian Bremmer,” airing every week on your local US public television station.

You ask, I answer

This week, you asked:


Ukraine has launched US-made long-range missiles into Russia for the first time. Will this change the course of the war?

Will Trump be able to carry out mass deportations when he's in office?

Will there be political fallout from Hong Kong's decision to jail pro-democracy activists?

Check out my answers to your questions in the latest World in 60 Seconds.


 


BBC News Briefing 20 November, 2024 Sofia Lotto Persio - possible attack on Kyiv that prompted some foreign embassies to temporarily close down.

 BBC 

News Briefing

20 November, 2024

Sofia Lotto Persio


Hello. Ukraine has accused Russia of spreading misinformation about a possible attack on Kyiv that prompted some foreign embassies to temporarily close down. Hanna Chournous reports from the Ukrainian capital. As a US House committee faces mounting pressure to release its report into Donald Trump's pick for attorney general, Sam Cabral explains the allegations against Matt Gaetz. And finally, a music video leads to the downfall of a New York priest.

Kyiv, Ukraine

Shelters busier than usual after threat

A woman looks concerned as she holds a cat in her arm, standing in a crowd of people who have taken shelter in a metro station in Kyiv on November 18

Air raid alerts in Kyiv have become an almost common occurrence since the beginning of the war. Credit: Reuters

Ukraine has accused Russia of staging a "psychological attack" after the US and other countries temporarily closed their embassies in Kyiv over a strike threat. The government urged people to not panic, but also to not ignore air raids alerts.

BBC Logo

Hanna Chornous, BBC News

Russian drone attacks are a daily reality in Kyiv and other cities. The buzz of drones and booms of air defences disrupt the nights for millions of Ukrainians. People are routinely killed in these attacks on their homes, even when they're far away from the frontlines.

Ukrainian officials said today that Russia is conducting a “psychological warfare operation” and urged people to take shelter during air raid alerts – just like on any other day of Russia’s full-scale war. One way or another, the warnings have worked. As sirens rang out in the capital this afternoon, a shelter in an international hotel was busier than usual.

What to know

Zelensky's warning: The Ukrainian president told Fox News that the country would lose the war if the US, its main military backer, pulled funding.

Landmines controversy: The US has been criticised by humanitarian organisations for deciding to supply Ukraine with the weapons.

UK weapons: The BBC understands Ukraine has fired British long-range missiles called Storm Shadow at Russian targets for the first time. Security correspondent Frank Gardner explains what difference their use can make.

QUESTIONS ANSWERED

Gaetz faces daunting confirmation battle

Matt Gaetz gestures while speaking at a campaign rally for Donald Trump

Gaetz resigned from the House of Representatives after Trump tapped him for the job of attorney general. Credit: Reuters

The nomination of Matt Gaetz as attorney general is perhaps Trump's most controversial pick. The candidate to be America's top law enforcement officer is at the centre of a number of allegations that could prevent him from getting the job. 

Sam Cabral, BBC News

Who is Matt Gaetz and why is he controversial?

The 42-year-old represented Florida's first congressional district in the US House of Representatives. He joined Congress in the same election in 2016 that propelled Donald Trump to the White House. A fierce Trump defender, he has long upset Democrats but also many Republicans with his bombastic public conduct and alleged hard-partying lifestyle.

What has he been accused of?

On and off since 2021, the secretive House Ethics Committee has investigated Gaetz over various allegations, including the claim that he had sex with an underage girl, used illicit drugs, accepted bribes, misused campaign funds and shared inappropriate images on the House floor. The Floridian has repeatedly and vehemently denied wrongdoing, casting the probe as an attempt to smear his name by powerful enemies he has made in politics. He has also raised in his defence the fact that the Department of Justice (DoJ) ended a separate three-year, federal sex-trafficking investigation last year by deciding not to bring charges against him.

Did the DoJ investigation end there?

Joel Greenberg, Gaetz's one-time friend, was the lone person charged in the DoJ's sex trafficking investigation. Greenberg is currently serving an 11-year prison sentence after agreeing to plead guilty to multiple federal charges. He cooperated with investigators and reportedly told prosecutors information about multiple others, including Gaetz. 

Gaetz's confirmation odds

Closed-door hearing: The US House Committee on Ethics held a meeting on Capitol Hill as calls grow for it to release details of its investigation into Gaetz.

Voters' panel: Trump's cabinet picks have received a largely positive reception so far from Republicans contacted by the BBC.

Get the latest: Vice-President-elect JD Vance is shoring up Senate support for Donald Trump's cabinet picks as he brought Gaetz along on a visit to the Capitol.

THE BIG PICTURE

YouTuber's crypto dealings under scrutiny

A picture of Logan Paul is superimposed over an illustration of bitcoin crytocurrency in the form of gold coins

Logan Paul's YouTube channel has 23 million followers. Credit: BBC

For several months, internet celebrity Logan Paul had refused to talk to the BBC about his cryptocurrency dealings. Then he appeared to relent, inviting my colleagues to interview him at his gym in Puerto Rico. However, when the crew arrived, a lookalike turned up in his place, shortly followed by a crowd shouting abuse about the BBC. A lawyer’s letter on behalf of Paul also warned against publishing the investigation's findings.

And finally... in the US

A New York priest has been stripped of his duties following an investigation sparked by outrage at his decision to let pop star Sabrina Carpenter film a provocative music video inside his church. The Diocese said the investigation found other instances of mismanagement, including unapproved financial transfers. Jamie Gigantiello admitted a "lapse of judgment" in relation to the music video - he has not responded to the allegations that led to his dismissal.

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EURONEWS Sağlık Sağlık haberleri Trump'ın Medicare ve Medicaid direktörlüğüne seçtiği Mehmet Öz kimdir? By Lauren Chadwick Yayınlanma Tarihi 20/11/2024 - 14:04 GMT+1

 EURONEWS

Sağlık
Sağlık haberleri
Trump'ın Medicare ve Medicaid direktörlüğüne seçtiği Mehmet Öz kimdir?

By Lauren Chadwick
Yayınlanma Tarihi 20/11/2024 - 14:04 GMT+1



Bu haberin orjinalinin yayınlandığı dil İngilizce
Cerrah ve TV yıldızı Mehmet Öz, Donald Trump'ın ikinci döneminde görev alması için teklif götürülen son isim oldu.

Türk asıllı Amerikalı doktor ve talk show sunucusu Mehmet Öz, ABD'de Başkan seçilen Donald Trump tarafından federal sağlık programlarını yönetmek üzere seçildi.

Trump, Öz'ün Medicare ve Medicaid Hizmetleri Merkezleri'ni yöneteceğini, bu kurumun 145 milyondan fazla Amerikalıya sağlık sigortası sağladığını belirtti.

Medicare, 65 yaş ve üstü bireylere yönelik bir sigorta programı sunarken, Medicaid düşük gelirli kişilerin sağlık masraflarını karşılamakta. Ayrıca, bu kurum "Obamacare" olarak bilinen Uygun Bakım Yasası'nı da kapsamakta. Bu yasa, işveren aracılığıyla sigorta alamayan bireyler için sigorta satın alabilecekleri federal ve eyalet düzeyindeki pazarları sağlıyor.

Trump, Öz'ün adaylığıyla ilgili yaptığı açıklamada, "ABD bir sağlık kriziyle karşı karşıya ve ABD'yi yeniden sağlıklı hale getirmek için Dr. Öz'den daha nitelikli ve yetenekli bir hekim olamaz," dedi.

Dr. Mehmet Öz kimdir?
ABD'de gündüz kuşağında yayınlanan “The Dr. Oz Show” programının sunucusu olarak bilinen ünlü kalp cerrahı Öz, Cleveland'da göçmen bir Türk çiftin çocuğu olarak dünyaya geldi.

New York-Presbyterian Hastanesi'nde çalıştıktan sonra Columbia Üniversitesi Irving Tıp Merkezi'nde Bütünleştirici Tıp Merkezi'nin direktörlüğünü yaptı. 2018 yılında tıp merkezinde 'emeritus profesör ve özel öğretim görevlisi' oldu.

Başlarda Amerika'nın ünlü sunucusu Winfrey Oprah'ın sabah kuşağı programında sağlık uzmanı olarak yer aldı.

2009'dan itibaren kendi gündüz kuşağı "The Dr. Oz Show"u sunmaya başladı. Bu şekilde ülke genelinde ismini duyurmayı başardı.

ABD'de "saygı duyulan bir cerrah" olan Öz, çok sayıda ödüle layık görüldü. Ancak bazı "mucize" diyet haplarını övmesi ve kimi doktorlarca "yanlış ve bilim dışı" görülen tıbbi tavsiyelerde bulunması nedeniyle sık sık eleştirilere de maruz kaldı.

Anne ve babası Türkiye'den göç etmiş olan Öz, kendisini “laik Müslüman” olarak nitelendiriyor ve İslam'ın manevi yönünün, dini hukuku tarafından daha ağır bastığını belirtiyor. 2013 yılında PBS dizisi “Faces of America” için yapılan bir röportajda Öz, mistik bir İslam formu olan Sufizm ile ilgilenmeye başladığını söylemişti.

Öz, Hristiyan bir Amerikalı ile evli ve çocuklarını da Hristiyan olarak yetiştirdi.

Öz ilk kez ne zaman siyasi bir göreve aday oldu?
Dr. Mehmet Öz, 2022'de Pennsylvania'da ABD Senatosu için adaylığını koydu. Cumhuriyetçi Parti'nin ön seçimini kıl payı kazanarak, eski Başkan Trump'ın desteğini aldı. Trump, Öz'ü "popüler, saygın ve akıllı" olarak övdü ve onu uzun yıllardır tanıdığını belirtti.

Ancak ünlü talk show sunucusu, Senato yarışını Demokrat aday John Fetterman'a karşı kaybetti.

Öz'ün 2022 Cumhuriyetçi ön seçimlerindeki rakibi David McCormick, Kasım 2024'te yapılan seçimlerde Pennsylvania'daki Senato koltuğunu kazanarak partisini temsil etti.

Öz, Trump için neden tartışmalı bir seçim?

Dr. Mehmet Öz, uzun süreli TV programı aracılığıyla verdiği sağlık tavsiyeleri ve takviye destekleri nedeniyle eleştiriliyor. British Medical Journal'da 2014 yılında yayınlanan bir gözlemsel çalışmada, programda verilen 40 sağlık tavsiyesinin yüzde 15'inin çelişkili kanıtlar taşıdığı ve yüzde 39'unun desteklenebilecek kanıtı bulunmadığı belirtti. Ayrıca, programda en yaygın tavsiyelerin diyetle ilgili olduğu vurgulandı.

Aynı yıl, Öz Senato'da diyet dolandırıcılığına ilişkin bir oturumda ifade vermiş, burada bazı takviye hapları tanımlarken "mucize" kelimesini kullanması eleştirilmişti. Tüketiciyi Koruma Paneli'ndeki senatörler, Öz'ü "gücünü" sorumlu bir şekilde kullanmaya çağırmıştı.

COVID-19 salgını sırasında ise araştırma eksikliğine rağmen virüs tedavisi için antimalaryal ilaç hidroksiklorokin kullanımını savunmuştu. Bu ilaç, Fransız doktor Didier Raoult tarafından savunulmuş ve Raoult kısa bir süre önce ülkede iki yıl boyunca doktorluk yapmama cezası almıştı.

Öz, şimdi Trump'ın aşılara şüpheyle yaklaşan Robert F. Kennedy Jr.'ı seçtiği Sağlık ve İnsan Hizmetleri Bakanlığı'na bağlı büyük bir kurumu yönetmeye hazırlanıyor.

Project Syndicate Trump Won, but Trumpism Did Not Nov 18, 2024 Bruce Ackerman

 Project Syndicate 

Trump Won, but Trumpism Did Not

Nov 18, 2024

Bruce Ackerman



Republicans will have razor-thin congressional majorities in 2025, meaning that those who represent swing districts may be reluctant to enact President-elect Donald Trump’s agenda ahead of the 2026 midterm election. And if Trump attacks these naysayers, as is likely, that, too, will undermine the party’s electoral prospects.


NEW HAVEN – It is easy to exaggerate Donald Trump’s defeat of Kamala Harris in the recent US presidential contest. He won the popular vote by less than two percentage points – a similar margin of victory as the winners of the last three elections. The last time a president won by anything like a “landslide” was in 2008, when Barack Obama triumphed over John McCain by seven percentage points and led the Democrats to large majorities in Congress. As a result, the 111th Congress was the most productive in decades.


But, in 2010, only two years after this sweeping victory, the Democrats lost a stunning 63 seats in the House of Representatives and six seats in the Senate, forcing Obama to rely on a slim Senate majority as he did battle with John Boehner, the Republican Speaker of the House of Representatives. Obama was re-elected in 2012 by a narrow margin, but Republicans maintained House majorities throughout his second term.


These half-forgotten memories inform my skepticism about the enduring significance of Trump’s win over Harris. In contrast to Obama’s decisive victory in 2008, Trump cannot rely on the support of 59 Senators or 255 Representatives when he returns to the White House. Instead, Republicans will have razor-thin majorities in both the House and Senate.


To be sure, congressional Republicans will give Trump rip-roaring cheers of approval when their hero presents his State of the Union address in January. But those who represent swing districts may be reluctant to support his efforts to enact the “Make America Great Again” platform. If they vote to repeal the Affordable Care Act (ACA, also known as “Obamacare”) or increase tariffs, for example, their constituents will confront higher medical expenses and food prices. Democrats will then make these economic hardships the centerpiece of the 2026 midterm election, jeopardizing the Republicans’ majority in one or both chambers.


This is hardly the first time that congressional incumbents have faced such a predicament. There is, accordingly, a time-tested tactic for minimizing the risk of midterm defeat: “strategic delay.” After applauding Trump’s State of the Union, Republicans from swing districts will urge the House and Senate leadership to defer high-visibility votes on his MAGA initiatives until after the 2026 elections. They will conduct endless committee hearings and negotiations to convince Trump that he will ultimately win glorious victories during his last two years in office. Meanwhile, the Republican leadership will try to satisfy his demands by enacting more modest legislation that can enhance their fellow party members’ prospects for re-election.


After the midterms, however, House and Senate Republicans will recognize that their electoral prospects will be profoundly shaped by the outcome of the presidential contest in 2028 – and that Trump will almost surely choose his successor. That will provide a powerful incentive to legislate his MAGA proposals starting in 2027.


Sitting presidents have usually accepted these delaying tactics because their big policy initiatives are geared to the long term – all that matters is enacting them before they leave office. But Trump’s presidential performance will likely take a very different course. Rather than biding his time, he will denounce strategic Republicans as “traitors” when they do not immediately execute his agenda. This is precisely the kind of childish pouting that has come to mark Trump’s approach to governance. It may well have disastrous consequences for Republicans at the midterm polls, regardless of how individual politicians respond to Trump’s heated condemnations.


One of two scenarios could play out in the coming years. Republicans, sufficiently cowed by Trump, could ram MAGA bills through Congress ahead of the 2026 elections – even though their Democratic opponents would weaponize this legislative record against them during the campaign. On the other hand, enough Republicans may dig in their heels, leaving the congressional leadership no choice but to engage in strategic delay, despite Trump’s vicious personal attacks.


But, paradoxically, even this second scenario will grievously undermine Republican re-election prospects in 2026. Trump’s outraged personal assaults on individual incumbents will not only bewilder Republican-leaning voters. They will make them more responsive to Democratic warnings that, if the Republicans retain their congressional majorities, they will enact sweeping measures that devastate the lives of countless Americans.


Of course, I do not intend to minimize the significance of Trump’s narrow victory, which will undoubtedly have far-reaching long-term implications. Rather, my point is that the American constitutional system of checks and balances does not permit a single presidential victory to upend the entire legal system. Republicans will have to win the 2026 elections before they have a serious chance of passing MAGA policies. Even if there is a flurry of legislative activity during Trump’s final years in office, the Democrats will be in a strong position to urge the repeal of these statutes in the 2028 election campaign. Only if somebody like J.D. Vance wins the next presidential race will the radical right be able to propel the country in a decisively new direction – in the manner of the Civil Rights movement under Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson in the 1960s, or the Reagan Revolution in the 1980s.


Recall that Ronald Reagan’s critique of big government only gathered steam after he was re-elected by 18 percentage points in 1984. Even more remarkable was Johnson’s nearly 23-point victory over Barry Goldwater in 1964. The Democrats also gained overwhelming majorities in Congress that year, enabling Johnson, who had won approval for the Civil Rights Act earlier that year, to enact the 1965 Voting Rights Act.


If the Trumpish candidate of 2028 wins in a similar landslide, then Democrats will have to recognize that they have indeed been repudiated and begin the hard work of rebuilding their political platform to regain support. But in case the 2028 election turns out to be another squeaker, the Democrats should not give up on their struggle for social justice – even if they lose. Instead, they should continue to challenge the MAGA movement as its disastrous consequences for American society become ever clearer.


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Bruce Ackerman

Bruce Ackerman

Writing for PS since 1998

6 Commentaries


Bruce Ackerman, Professor of Law and Political Science at Yale University, is the author, most recently, of The Postmodern Predicament: Existential Challenges of the 21st Century (Yale University Press, 2024).








U.S. Secretary’s International Security Advisory Board Releases Three Reports 11/20/2024 12:24 PM EST

 Secretary’s International Security Advisory Board Releases Three Reports

11/20/2024 12:24 PM EST

Office of the Spokesperson

Today, the Secretary’s International Security Advisory Board (ISAB) released three studies, “Report on Biotechnology in the PRC’s Military-Civil Fusion Strategy,” “Report on Multilateral Disarmament Structures,” and “The Limits of Influence: U.S. Security Cooperation in the Age of Strategic Competition.”

These reports fulfill the request from Ambassador Bonnie D. Jenkins, the Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security, to undertake studies related to biotechnology in the context of one of the PRC’s national strategies, multilateral disarmament trends, and security cooperation as a tool of influence.  The recommendations, developed by three study groups consisting of a subset of board members, was approved during the Board’s October 30, 2024, plenary meeting.

The ISAB provides the Department with a continuing source of independent insight, advice, and innovation on all aspects of arms control, disarmament, nonproliferation, outer space, critical infrastructure, cybersecurity, the national security aspects of emerging technologies, international security, and related aspects of public diplomacy.  The Board is sponsored and overseen by the Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security and provides its recommendations to the Secretary through the Under Secretary.  The ISAB is established in accordance with the Federal Advisory Committee Act (FACA), 5 U.S.C. 1001 et seq., and the study was conducted in accordance with FACA.

For further information, including a full copy of the report, please visit International Security Advisory Board – United States Department of State.

BROOKINGS - Aslı Aydıntaşbaş - ABD -Türkiye ilşkileri hakkında beş makalenin link'leri ve yazarları

 BROOKINGS

Commentary

Reenergizing the Turkey debate in Washington

Aslı Aydıntaşbaş

October 30, 2024 




When I returned to Washington two years ago as a visiting scholar at the

Brookings Institution, working on Turkey, I was taken aback by the

noticeable lack of interest in Turkey across the capital. Despite the

backdrop of a major war in Europe, just north of Turkeyʼs Black Sea coast,

the usual Washington chatter about Turkey had all but vanished. My memory ofjostling across town between different Turkey events as a young reporter was nowreplaced by a seemingly impermeable Turkey apathy.


This was not, of course, merely a reflection of shifting geopolitical priorities but a sign of the ongoing deterioration in U.S.-Turkey relations. Historically, Ankara was seen by U.S. policymakers as a vital trans-Atlantic ally as well as a crucial regional partner in a tough part of the world—a legacy that outlived the Cold War. Fears of Turkey becoming “irrelevant” to Western interests were always there but somehow the end of the Cold War made Turkey even more relevant, amidst Americaʼs deepening involvement in the Middle East after September 11, 2001. Turkey was no longer just a vital regional partner but potentially also a model of how democracy could work in the Muslim world. There was optimism in Brussels about Turkeyʼs European Union accession process, including the long string of democratic reforms but also the potential transformative power of the conservative Justice and Development Party in the post-Arab Spring Middle East.


All that optimism has long faded. Over the past decade, a series of events including the U.S. partnership with the Syrian Kurds, Turkeyʼs democratic backsliding, Turkeyʼs purchase of Russian missile systems, and the political fallout from the 2016 coup attempt have all contributed to the unraveling of this Cold War marriage.

In trying to manage a fraught partnership, the Biden administration has adopted a somewhat distant approach toward Ankara. The policy community has largely followed. Yet Turkey remains a consequential middle power and a capable NATO ally in a crucial part of the world. It sits between two hot wars and has developed defense industrial capabilities that many European nations lack. Though mostly pursuing an

autonomous foreign policy, Ankara is a regional heavyweight—with the ability to help shape, hinder, or enhance U.S. policies in the Black Sea, the Caucasus, and the Levant.


At a time of global disorder, the United States and Turkey need a geopolitical reset. It is more important than ever to revisit the U.S.-Turkey relationship with fresh insight and a good dose of pragmatism—hoping to identify mutually beneficial prescriptions to address todayʼs enormous economic and geopolitical trials for both countries.


This scene-setter is intended to introduce a collection of short essays, “Solving Washingtonʼs Turkey conundrum,” which have been written by some of the best scholars in the field. The Brookings Institution has a longstanding tradition of fostering dialogue on Turkey, a legacy that dates back to the establishment of the Turkey Project in 2004 under the leadership of Brookings President Strobe Talbott and Director of the Center on the United States and Europe Phil Gordon. In this collection,

our contributors have addressed whether or not it is possible to overcome the deficit of trust between the two capitals; Turkeyʼs complicated “frenemy” status with Russia;

the question of how the West can support Turkeyʼs democratic evolution, despite headwinds inside Turkeyʼs nationalist coalition; building a new security partnership with a more independent Turkey; and finding the best approach to right-sizing the role of Turkey in U.S. foreign policy priorities.


The essays are grounded in the realities of our time, recognizing both the potential and limitations of cooperation across various domains. More importantly, they reflect a diversity of views on Turkey and the varying geopolitical considerations surrounding the Turkey debate.

Hopefully, this compendium will reenergize the Turkey debate in Washington and offer guidance for the incoming administration in January 2025. We also hope it can accurately reflect the search for new policies in Ankara and Washington to put guardrails around the decades-long alliance to prevent further unraveling and to finally  turn a page.


AUTHOR


Aslı Aydıntaşbaş  Visiting Fellow - Foreign Policy, Center on the United States and Europe, The Turkey Project X  @asliaydintasbas 

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ABD -Türkiye ilşkilerine hakkında beş makalenin link'leri  ve yazarları

 

Trust, power, and the path ahead for US-Turkish

relations

Evren Balta

October 30, 2024

https://www.brookings.edu/articles/trust-power-and-the-path-ahead-for-us-turkish-relations/


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https://www.brookings.edu/articles/bring-us-turkish-relations-in-from-the-cold/


Rich Outzen

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https://www.brookings.edu/articles/what-are-the-prospects-for-liberal-change-in-turkey/


Halil Karaveli

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https://www.brookings.edu/articles/sustainable-estrangement-embracing-the-new-normal-in-us-turkish-relations/


Nicholas Danforth

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https://www.brookings.edu/articles/turkey-managing-an-unfriendly-ally/


Alan Makovsky 

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