Monday, June 19, 2023

SCMP : As Blinken visits China, the US should keep the big economic picture in mind If China continues to grow faster than the US, there may be as many rich Chinese as rich Americans by 2040, even as poor Americans would be worse off David Dodwell David Dodwell + FOLLOW Published: 1:30am, 19 Jun, 2023

 Inside Out by David Dodwell


As Blinken visits China, the US should keep the big economic picture in mind

If China continues to grow faster than the US, there may be as many rich Chinese as rich Americans by 2040, even as poor Americans would be worse off

The US needs to recognise that its imperious approach to negotiation is unacceptable to not just China, but also other nations in the Global South

David Dodwell

David Dodwell

+ FOLLOW

Published: 1:30am, 19 Jun, 2023


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Commuters cross an intersection during the evening rush hour in the central business district of Beijing on June 13. By the count of economist Branko Milanovic, China could have as many rich citizens as the US by around 2040. Photo: AP 

Commuters cross an intersection during the evening rush hour in the central business district of Beijing on June 13. By the count of economist Branko Milanovic, China could have as many rich citizens as the US by around 2040. Photo: AP

As US Secretary of State Antony Blinken flew into Beijing over the weekend, he might have done worse than spend a little time browsing the latest edition of Foreign Affairs, the magazine of the Council on Foreign Relations – in particular, a sobering contribution by Branko Milanovic, professor at the City University of New York’s Graduate Centre, and perhaps the world’s leading authority on inequality.

While Blinken’s priority was probably to wrestle with how best to manage the United States’ first cabinet-level meeting with China since presidents Xi Jinping and Joe Biden met on the sidelines of the G20 summit in Bali last year, the Milanovic article would have provided invaluable context – and underlined the imperative for modesty and caution.

For the big picture, Milanovic carves the past 200 years into three “ages of inequality” – the Great Divergence between 1820 and 1950 in which the industrial revolution and the peak of colonial power drove rising inequality both within and between countries; the “Three Worlds” period from 1950 to 2000, which saw a narrowing of inequality within countries, but still large inequality between the first and third worlds; and the great convergence since 2000, which has been marked by the meteoric rise of Asia and in particular China.

So far, so familiar, but the practical details can surprise: in 1988, the median urban Chinese earner would have ranked around the 45th income percentile globally. But by 2018, he or she would have risen to the 70th percentile, into the top 30 per cent of earners worldwide.

Milanovic calculates that there are today about 40 million Chinese earning more than the median US income (there are 165 million Americans in this group) but that if China continues to grow at 3 per cent faster than the US, then by 2040 this affluent Chinese group will have risen to 165 million. In short, there will by then be just as many moderately affluent consumers in China as in the US.

Milanovic says: “China is tantalisingly close to something that no one would have predicted when Mao died in 1976: that in 70 years, [China] would have as many rich citizens as does the United States.”

00:21 / 00:20

Antony Blinken arrives in Beijing for long-awaited two-day visit

While China steadily strengthens as a consumer powerhouse, changes inside the US – or in other countries like Germany – will be more problematic: the rich will stay as astonishingly rich as they are today, but America’s poor “will slide down the global pecking order”.

The International Monetary Fund echoes this trend: in 1980, emerging economies accounted for just 37 per cent of global GDP on the basis of purchasing power parity, compared with a towering 63 per cent for advanced economies. But today, IMF data shows these shares have reversed – emerging markets account for 59 per cent, versus 41 per cent for advanced markets.

While China accounts for a lot of this shift, rising from 2.3 per cent to 18.9 per cent, it is far from alone. India has more than doubled its share from 2.8 per cent to 7.5 per cent.

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Numbers like these underscore the rising assertiveness of developing economies like Indonesia, Brazil, South Africa and a host of other mid-level powers demanding a multipolar world that gives them a larger voice in international rule-making – augmenting their influence in the World Bank, the IMF, the many UN organisations, and groups like G20, at the expense of the once-dominant G7.

Against such a backdrop, the US needs to recognise that its imperious, sometimes sanctimonious approach to negotiation is seen as offensive and unacceptable not just by China, but by an increasing number of nations in the Global South. As a sign of Asia’s 21st century rise, such countries feel assertive enough to push back against unilateral US demands, and to table demands of their own as part of a more pluralistic international discourse.

Thus Mao Ning, spokesperson for the Chinese foreign ministry, recently justified Beijing’s reluctance to resume high-level contact with Washington: “Where is the sincerity and sense of dialogue when the US side talks about the need to maintain contacts only to use them as a means to put pressure on China and hamstring our country?”

In other words, Beijing is asking why it should bow to pressure for meetings, when the US intention is simply to deliver a laundry list of complaints and demands, and play to a domestic audience that bays for the Biden administration to “act tough” on China.

The fact that Blinken has at last flown into Beijing, bringing an end to this impasse, hopefully suggests that we are on the cusp of an improvement in relations. It would be naive to expect too much at this stage. Biden’s audience for China-bashing has not gone away. Nor has Congress’s obsession with national security, which has inflicted much harm on trade and investment. There is no sign yet of any interest in reducing Trump-era tariffs, or easing up on China’s hi-tech sector.

But if Blinken did by any chance browse Milanovic during his flight over to Beijing, he might have pondered the probably irreversible economic and demographic shifts taking place. The massive global challenges now facing us cannot be tackled effectively by a grumpy and isolated hegemon. Multipolar collaboration must be the mantra of the future, and it would be helpful for this to have started over the weekend in Beijing.


David Dodwell is CEO of the trade policy and international relations consultancy Strategic Access, focused on developments and challenges facing the Asia-Pacific over the past four decades.











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