President Joe Biden’s press conference last night was fine, but it will not allay ongoing Democratic fears about his ability to defeat former President Donald Trump in November, writes Wall Street Journal senior political correspondent Molly Ball. It was sad to watch the truth unfold that Biden probably will not relinquish his position as the party’s candidate, David Frum writes for The Atlantic.
At The New Yorker, Susan Glasser sums up the viewpoint of some Biden supporters: “[I]t was hard to imagine what the President could say that would satisfy nervous Democrats who are wondering whether he needs to pull the plug on his reelection campaign: I’m sorry? I’m going to do better? I quit? … [Biden] clearly still knows what he’s talking about … He did not seem confused. Or dangerous. He digressed. He offered mini-lectures on investing in China, on the need for a new industrial policy in the West, and on the evils of trickle-down economics. But it is not what America needed to hear from him.” Well before the disastrous debate performance, polling had already indicated many Americans thought Biden was too old to serve another four years, Glasser notes. “In other words, Biden and his party do not have a debate problem; they have a Biden problem, which the debate finally forced his party to confront.”
The contrast between Biden’s knowledgeable substance and digressive style was sharp, Glasser writes. On the substance of Biden’s presidency, a London Review of Books essay by Christian Lorentzen reprises three books about it: Franklin Foer’s “The Last Politician,” Chris Whipple’s “The Fight of His Life,” and Alexander Ward’s “The Internationalists.” The portrait Lorentzen draws is largely positive: Aside from the chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan—a “lonely” policy position Biden had supported during the Obama presidency—Biden’s Covid-19 rescue plan was “generous”; his infrastructure spending ambitiously incorporated ideas from the Democratic Party’s left wing; and Ukraine’s early, Western-backed defense against Russia was a success. “Whereas accounts of the Trump White House varied from clown show to cesspool, with backstabbing among hacks, mercenaries and scumbags, the histories of the Biden administration present a succession of earnest and credentialled professionals lining up to help the president better the country and the world,” Lorentzen writes.
The books don’t really delve into Biden’s age, Lorentzen writes, but he offers an original insight: “In retrospect Biden’s advanced age was a political asset in 2020. By contrast with the sneering and erratic Trump, given to mocking the disabled and insulting anyone unlucky enough to be in his vicinity, here was a kindly and familiar old man who had suffered terrible personal tragedies … Broadcasting a socially distanced campaign from his Delaware basement, he appeared gentle and forgiving … just the man to heal the country after the devastation of the pandemic and the four-year reign of the American berserk.” Judging by the new skepticism of Democrats and liberal commentators, Lorentzen hints, the advantage has reversed.
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