It’s been a rough week for Poland. |
Brussels and Warsaw, a tale of two democracies
By Jorge Liboreiro
It’s been a rough week for Poland.
On Monday, the European Court of Justice delivered its long-awaited sentence on the judicial reform introduced by the ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party back in 2019. The reform, which has been a source of enormous controversy since its enactment, re-organised relations between the Polish courts and empowered the disciplinary chamber of the Supreme Court to punish magistrates according to the content of their rulings.
The ECJ, perhaps aware of the expectations surrounding the moment, pulled no punches in its decision: the reform is illegal under EU law and violates the bloc’s fundamental rights, the judges wrote in a scathing assessment that offered zero concessions to the Polish case.
“The measures thus adopted by the Polish legislature are incompatible with the guarantees of access to an independent and impartial tribunal,” the ECJ said.
Warsaw, as expected, was furious. Zbigniew Ziobro, Poland’s justice minister and one of the key architects behind the contentious reform, didn’t hold back in expressing his displeasure: he called the ECJ a “corrupt” institution made up of “politicians” instead of judges. Ziobro said the ruling was proof of the court’s excessive competences and represented an affront to the Polish Constitution.
In Brussels, officials and diplomats, who are well used to hearing Warsaw’s anti-EU tirades, breathed a loud sigh of relief. The European Commission was quick to cheer the moment as the closing chapter of an arduous, time-consuming fight that has seen bitter recriminations, blocked recovery funds and fines of up to €1 million per day.
But the celebrations were short-lived.
Just two days after the ECJ delivered its momentous ruling, when the dust had barely settled, the Commission decided to open a new infringement procedure against Poland. This time, the dispute is around a new law that establishes a state committee to investigate cases of so-called “Russian influence” inside the country.
The committee has been endowed with prosecutor-like powers to hold hearings on public officials and companies that are suspected of having acted to the “detriment of the interests” of Poland between the years 2007 and 2022.
Under the legislation, the nine-member body will be able to impose bans on holding a security clearance, a position that entails the management of public funds or a weapons licence. The prohibitions could last up to 10 years.
The Commission, like the US Department of State, suspects the committee could be used to target opposition politicians in the run-up to this year’s general election and deprived potential candidates of their eligibility criteria without a fair trial. Picture this: a prime minister unable to hold a security clearance and access top-secret intelligence.
In an apparent admission of the growing criticism, Polish President Andrzej Duda has offered to make changes to the legislation, which, it must be noted, himself had signed and defended.
The succession of events in one single week offers a new reminder of how intractable and acrimonious the conflict between Brussels and Warsaw has become. As one chapter ends – the judicial reform – another one opens – this time on the explosive concept of “Russian influence,” suggesting the latest discord stems from something bigger than a regulation or directive.
While the Commission agrees the threat of “Russian influence” is in itself a legitimate reason, it worries the vague and broad definition contained in the text will unleash a name-checking persecution with irreversible damage for political candidates, something of unpredictable consequences in a country already under scrutiny for rule-of-law backsliding.
Notably, in its legal reasoning, the executive makes one eye-catching reference to one of the EU’s founding values: the principle of democracy, now at risk.
“More concretely,” the Commission writes, “the new law unduly interferes with the democratic process.”
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On Monday, the European Court of Justice delivered its long-awaited sentence on the judicial reform introduced by the ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party back in 2019. The reform, which has been a source of enormous controversy since its enactment, re-organised relations between the Polish courts and empowered the disciplinary chamber of the Supreme Court to punish magistrates according to the content of their rulings.
The ECJ, perhaps aware of the expectations surrounding the moment, pulled no punches in its decision: the reform is illegal under EU law and violates the bloc’s fundamental rights, the judges wrote in a scathing assessment that offered zero concessions to the Polish case.
“The measures thus adopted by the Polish legislature are incompatible with the guarantees of access to an independent and impartial tribunal,” the ECJ said.
Warsaw, as expected, was furious. Zbigniew Ziobro, Poland’s justice minister and one of the key architects behind the contentious reform, didn’t hold back in expressing his displeasure: he called the ECJ a “corrupt” institution made up of “politicians” instead of judges. Ziobro said the ruling was proof of the court’s excessive competences and represented an affront to the Polish Constitution.
In Brussels, officials and diplomats, who are well used to hearing Warsaw’s anti-EU tirades, breathed a loud sigh of relief. The European Commission was quick to cheer the moment as the closing chapter of an arduous, time-consuming fight that has seen bitter recriminations, blocked recovery funds and fines of up to €1 million per day.
But the celebrations were short-lived.
Just two days after the ECJ delivered its momentous ruling, when the dust had barely settled, the Commission decided to open a new infringement procedure against Poland. This time, the dispute is around a new law that establishes a state committee to investigate cases of so-called “Russian influence” inside the country.
The committee has been endowed with prosecutor-like powers to hold hearings on public officials and companies that are suspected of having acted to the “detriment of the interests” of Poland between the years 2007 and 2022.
Under the legislation, the nine-member body will be able to impose bans on holding a security clearance, a position that entails the management of public funds or a weapons licence. The prohibitions could last up to 10 years.
The Commission, like the US Department of State, suspects the committee could be used to target opposition politicians in the run-up to this year’s general election and deprived potential candidates of their eligibility criteria without a fair trial. Picture this: a prime minister unable to hold a security clearance and access top-secret intelligen In an apparent admission of the growing criticism, Polish President Andrzej Dudahas offered to make changes to the legislation, which, it must be noted, himself had signed and defended.
The succession of events in one single week offers a new reminder of how intractable and acrimonious the conflict between Brussels and Warsaw has become. As one chapter ends – the judicial reform – another one opens – this time on the explosive concept of “Russian influence,” suggesting the latest discord stems from something bigger than a regulation or directive.
While the Commission agrees the threat of “Russian influence” is in itself a legitimate reason, it worries the vague and broad definition contained in the text will unleash a name-checking persecution with irreversible damage for political candidates, something of unpredictable consequences in a country already under scrutiny for rule-of-law backsliding.
Notably, in its legal reasoning, the executive makes one eye-catching reference to one of the EU’s founding values: the principle of democracy, now at risk.
“More concretely,” the Commission writes, “the new law unduly interferes with the democratic process.”
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